this well-being. 20 Second, this shift signals the emergence of global polities. The role played by common institutions sharing a common language in building polities out of disparate peoples, has long been recognized in domestic politics as"nation-building Similarly, our growing tendency to look to meta-state institutions for responses to global social and environmental problems constitutes a shared understanding that such institutions will increasingly formulate or channel social policy decisions and orchestrate social welfare responses, and that few states can act without them on any important social Issue I am not suggesting that at this point in our history global social relations in toto form the sort of full-blown political community which communitarians point to in domestic social relations as their exemplar. In my view, however, globalization creating a third alternative: global society understood as containing limited"degrees of community in specific functional areas. If we disaggregate the notion of community, we can see that globalization is creating certain elements of community at the global level such as knowledge of inter-connectedness and the circumstances of the other and creating true community in certain areas of global social relations, such as humanitarian Walzer describes the political community of justice as one"capable of arranging [its] own patterns of division and exchange, justly or unjustly. Supra note 7 at 31. When a community is no longer capable of fixing its own patterns of division and exchange, it is no longer sufficient to analyze the justice of that community with sole reference to itself. In other words, unable to fix its own distributions entirely itself, it is not capable of delivering its own justice. We must therefore look to that further level of institutions which is affecting that communitys distributions- the global; and to its justice- global justice 2 Indeed, the many anti-globalization protests focused on Bretton Woods institutions indicate a growing awareness both that these institutions increasingly constrain allocative decision-making at the national level, and that they themselves engage(through the allocation of trade benefits, critical currencies and development aid, for example) in positive distributive functions; thus the anti-globalization movement represents the formation of a transboundary polity organized around meta-state institutions, albeit in a critical role 2 Moreover, the trend is towards increasing community. Bruno Simma and Andreas L. Paulus list Rwanda and Somalia as examples of a weak solidarity which can suggest that the concept of global community is either half-full, or half-empty. They decide it is half-full, asking"After all, who would have cared -and how-a hundred years ago. The 'International Community: Facing the Challenge of globalization, 9 EUR.J. INT'LL.266,276(1998) 8this well-being.20 Second, this shift signals the emergence of global polities. The role played by common institutions sharing a common language in building polities out of disparate peoples, has long been recognized in domestic politics as “nation-building.” Similarly, our growing tendency to look to meta-state institutions for responses to global social and environmental problems constitutes a shared understanding that such institutions will increasingly formulate or channel social policy decisions and orchestrate social welfare responses, and that few states can act without them on any important social issue.21 I am not suggesting that at this point in our history global social relations in toto form the sort of full-blown political community which communitarians point to in domestic social relations as their exemplar. In my view, however, globalization is creating a third alternative: global society understood as containing “limited” degrees of community in specific functional areas.22 If we disaggregate the notion of community, we can see that globalization is creating certain elements of community at the global level, such as knowledge of inter-connectedness and the circumstances of the other; and creating true community in certain areas of global social relations, such as humanitarian 20 Walzer describes the political community of justice as one “capable of arranging [its] own patterns of division and exchange, justly or unjustly.” Supra note 7 at 31. When a community is no longer capable of fixing its own patterns of division and exchange, it is no longer sufficient to analyze the justice of that community with sole reference to itself. In other words, unable to fix its own distributions entirely itself, it is not capable of delivering its own justice. We must therefore look to that further level of institutions which is affecting that community’s distributions – the global; and to its justice – global justice. 21 Indeed, the many anti-globalization protests focused on Bretton Woods institutions indicate a growing awareness both that these institutions increasingly constrain allocative decision-making at the national level, and that they themselves engage (through the allocation of trade benefits, critical currencies and development aid, for example) in positive distributive functions; thus the anti-globalization movement represents the formation of a transboundary polity organized around meta-state institutions, albeit in a critical role. 22 Moreover, the trend is towards increasing community. Bruno Simma and Andreas L. Paulus list Rwanda and Somalia as examples of a weak solidarity which can suggest that the concept of global community is either half-full, or half-empty. They decide it is half-full, asking “After all, who would have cared - and how - a hundred years ago.” “The ‘International Community:’ Facing the Challenge of Globalization,” 9 EUR. J. INT’L L. 266, 276 (1998). 8