When Do the Advantaged See the Disadvantages of Others? system are crucial,as people who believe the criminal 1999).Relative to AmeriCorps volunteers,specifically, justice system to be unfair tend to evaluate the entire Einfeld and Collins (2008)argue that not only did political system more negatively (Lind and Tyler 1988). many participants increase their awareness of inequal- Attitudes regarding the economic realm are deeply ity but they also developed increased empathy,attach- intertwined with racial attitudes in the United States. ment,trust,and respect for those they worked with. Since the mid-1960s,the coverage of poverty in the Similarly,Giles and Eyler(1994)observed that partic- media has strengthened the association of racial mi- ipants of a college service program became less likely norities with the "undeserving poor"(Gilens 1999).As to "blame social service clients for their misfortunes,' a result,Americans have increasingly viewed poverty and more likely to stress a need for equal opportunity through a racial lens(Gilens 2003).Indeed,many white (p.327) Americans perceive poor individuals as members of a different group than themselves,creating the percep- tion of the poor as "others,"rather than as in-group THE POTENTIAL OF EXTENDED members (Alesina,Glaeser,and Sacerdote 2001).As 4 CONTEXTUALIZED INTERGROUP CONTACT such,when considering the opinions of advantaged Americans about economic position and class,race is A crucial mechanism by which many nonmilitary often consciously or unconsciously part of their calcu- national service programs purport to foster under- lations.In other words,any inquiry about the advan standing,tolerance,and bridge-building is intergroup taged and disadvantaged socioeconomic segments of contact between advantaged and disadvantaged com- our population must examine racial animus. munities.Service in TFA typically involves integrat- ing a high-achieving college-educated adult into a pre- dominantly poor and minority neighborhood to teach THE PROMISE OF CIVILIAN NATIONAL for two years.Does this type of service-oriented con- SERVICE tact that occurs between an advantaged group with a disadvantaged population result in added perspective- Civilian national service programs have aspired not taking and prejudice reduction? only to benefit the populations they serve,but to in Extant research has shown that intergroup contact fluence the beliefs,values.and careers of those that does not always foster bridge-building.In fact.contact serve,through prolonged meaningful contact with vul- can lead to greater polarization.In the face of eco- nerable populations and a social ill.The hope is that nomic class heterogeneity,advantaged high-income in- when advantaged citizens work with disadvantaged cit- dividuals are more likely to uphold a meritocratic ide- izens to advance their well-being,they will become bet- ology than those residing in more economically ho- ter able to understand the perspective and life situ- mogeneous contexts,and believe that their hard work ations of the marginalized.William James (1910),for rather than luck and privilege facilitated their more one,argued that national service could serve the inter- ideal circumstance (Newman.Johnston.and Lown ests of a healthy nation calling for universal national 2015).Meanwhile,disadvantaged low-income individ- service to form“the moral equivalent of war'”to“re- uals who see inequality are more likely to reject mer- deem the society from a dull existence built upon a itocratic ideology.In other words,intergroup proxim- pleasure economy'of insipid consumerism."He de- ity along economic lines has been found to lead to scribed the youths of a "pleasure economy"in peace- contrasting views around fairness and the justness of time as "gilded youths,"and argued that they ought to the status quo by income status,increasing class-based be "drafted off"to do some form of civilian national polarization.Similarly,previous research on "racial service "to get the childishness knocked out of them, threat"(e.g.,Key 1949;Blalock 1967;Goldman and and to come back into society with healthier sympa- Hopkins 2015)suggests that concentrated geographic thies and soberer ideas."His essay rallied Americans racial diversity can catalyze more negative racial atti- behind service in the interest of the nation,ultimately tudes.Putnam(2000)found that virtually all measures contributing to the creation of organized national ser- of civic health(e.g.,voting,volunteering,and trust)are vice like depression-era Civilian Conservation Corps, lower in more diverse settings.What emerged in more and later,the Peace Corps and AmeriCorps. racially diverse communities was an unpropitious pic- Subsequent studies of national service and small- ture of civic desolation,negatively affecting everything scale service learning programs provide preliminary from political engagement to the state of social ties. 四 indications that national service can.in fact,trigger But,under the right circumstances,intergroup con "healthier sympathies and soberer ideas."Numerous tact can accomplish a great deal in fostering un- descriptive and qualitative explorations of service pro- derstanding and prejudice reduction.Early studies grams have found suggestive evidence that service on desegregation revealed encouraging trends.After learning results in heightened social awareness(Con- the U.S.military began desegregating,Brophy (1945) way,Amel,and Gerwien 2009:Yorio and Ye 2012) found that the more deployments white seamen had increased amity toward the community they service with black seamen,the more positive their racial atti- (Lee et al.2007;Seider,Gillmor,and Rabinowicz 2012). tudes became.Similarly,white police officers who had reduced reliance on stereotypes about marginalized worked with black police officers later objected less groups(Greene 1995),and higher appreciation for di- to teaming with and taking orders from black officers versity and tolerance (Astin and Sax 1998;Primavera (Kephart 1957). 723When Do the Advantaged See the Disadvantages of Others? system are crucial, as people who believe the criminal justice system to be unfair tend to evaluate the entire political system more negatively (Lind and Tyler 1988). Attitudes regarding the economic realm are deeply intertwined with racial attitudes in the United States. Since the mid-1960s, the coverage of poverty in the media has strengthened the association of racial mi￾norities with the “undeserving poor” (Gilens 1999). As a result, Americans have increasingly viewed poverty through a racial lens (Gilens 2003). Indeed,many white Americans perceive poor individuals as members of a different group than themselves, creating the percep￾tion of the poor as “others,” rather than as in-group members (Alesina, Glaeser, and Sacerdote 2001). As such, when considering the opinions of advantaged Americans about economic position and class, race is often consciously or unconsciously part of their calcu￾lations. In other words, any inquiry about the advan￾taged and disadvantaged socioeconomic segments of our population must examine racial animus. THE PROMISE OF CIVILIAN NATIONAL SERVICE Civilian national service programs have aspired not only to benefit the populations they serve, but to in￾fluence the beliefs, values, and careers of those that serve, through prolonged meaningful contact with vul￾nerable populations and a social ill. The hope is that when advantaged citizens work with disadvantaged cit￾izens to advance their well-being, they will become bet￾ter able to understand the perspective and life situ￾ations of the marginalized. William James (1910), for one, argued that national service could serve the inter￾ests of a healthy nation calling for universal national service to form “the moral equivalent of war” to “re￾deem the society from a dull existence built upon a ‘pleasure economy’ of insipid consumerism.” He de￾scribed the youths of a “pleasure economy” in peace￾time as “gilded youths,” and argued that they ought to be “drafted off” to do some form of civilian national service “to get the childishness knocked out of them, and to come back into society with healthier sympa￾thies and soberer ideas.” His essay rallied Americans behind service in the interest of the nation, ultimately contributing to the creation of organized national ser￾vice like depression-era Civilian Conservation Corps, and later, the Peace Corps and AmeriCorps. Subsequent studies of national service and small￾scale service learning programs provide preliminary indications that national service can, in fact, trigger “healthier sympathies and soberer ideas.” Numerous descriptive and qualitative explorations of service pro￾grams have found suggestive evidence that service learning results in heightened social awareness (Con￾way, Amel, and Gerwien 2009; Yorio and Ye 2012), increased amity toward the community they service (Lee et al.2007; Seider,Gillmor, and Rabinowicz 2012), reduced reliance on stereotypes about marginalized groups (Greene 1995), and higher appreciation for di￾versity and tolerance (Astin and Sax 1998; Primavera 1999). Relative to AmeriCorps volunteers, specifically, Einfeld and Collins (2008) argue that not only did many participants increase their awareness of inequal￾ity but they also developed increased empathy, attach￾ment, trust, and respect for those they worked with. Similarly, Giles and Eyler (1994) observed that partic￾ipants of a college service program became less likely to “blame social service clients for their misfortunes,” and more likely to stress a need for equal opportunity (p. 327). THE POTENTIAL OF EXTENDED CONTEXTUALIZED INTERGROUP CONTACT A crucial mechanism by which many nonmilitary national service programs purport to foster under￾standing, tolerance, and bridge-building is intergroup contact between advantaged and disadvantaged com￾munities. Service in TFA typically involves integrat￾ing a high-achieving college-educated adult into a pre￾dominantly poor and minority neighborhood to teach for two years. Does this type of service-oriented con￾tact that occurs between an advantaged group with a disadvantaged population result in added perspective￾taking and prejudice reduction? Extant research has shown that intergroup contact does not always foster bridge-building. In fact, contact can lead to greater polarization. In the face of eco￾nomic class heterogeneity, advantaged high-income in￾dividuals are more likely to uphold a meritocratic ide￾ology than those residing in more economically ho￾mogeneous contexts, and believe that their hard work rather than luck and privilege facilitated their more ideal circumstance (Newman, Johnston, and Lown 2015). Meanwhile, disadvantaged low-income individ￾uals who see inequality are more likely to reject mer￾itocratic ideology. In other words, intergroup proxim￾ity along economic lines has been found to lead to contrasting views around fairness and the justness of the status quo by income status, increasing class-based polarization. Similarly, previous research on “racial threat” (e.g., Key 1949; Blalock 1967; Goldman and Hopkins 2015) suggests that concentrated geographic racial diversity can catalyze more negative racial atti￾tudes. Putnam (2000) found that virtually all measures of civic health (e.g., voting, volunteering, and trust) are lower in more diverse settings. What emerged in more racially diverse communities was an unpropitious pic￾ture of civic desolation, negatively affecting everything from political engagement to the state of social ties. But, under the right circumstances, intergroup con￾tact can accomplish a great deal in fostering un￾derstanding and prejudice reduction. Early studies on desegregation revealed encouraging trends. After the U.S. military began desegregating, Brophy (1945) found that the more deployments white seamen had with black seamen, the more positive their racial atti￾tudes became. Similarly, white police officers who had worked with black police officers later objected less to teaming with and taking orders from black officers (Kephart 1957). 723 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Shanghai JiaoTong University, on 26 Oct 2018 at 03:53:05, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055418000412