Journal of Marriage and Family in education did not change between 1980 and same education level did not change between 1980 2008-2012 and2008-2012. In addition,among couples in which hus- bands and wives are equals with respect to edu- cation,husbands'income advantage would help PREVIOUS RESEARCH AND THE PRESENT STUDY attain their higher status relative to their wives. Changing patterns of assortative mating may Moreover,I hypothesize that among couples reflect changes in marginal distributions of who share the same education level,the ten- husbands'and wives'traits as well as changes dency for women to marry up in income may in associations between spouses'traits once be less pronounced at both ends of the edu- marginal distributions have been taken into cational distribution.Despite recent declines in account (Hou Myles,2008;Mare,1991; marriage rates especially among less-educated Qian Lichter,2007).For example,the pro- individuals(Cherlin,2010),the symbolic impor- portion of marriages in which the wife had tance of marriage remains high in that marriage more education than the husband may have has become“"a marker of prestige”(Cherlin, increased between 1980 and 2008-2012 mainly 2004,p.855).Individuals from lower social classes require high economic security before because of disproportionate gains in women's educational attainment rather than changes in entering marriage(Cherlin,2004;Smock,Man- ning,Porter,2005).Because less-educated the association between spouses'education. The theoretical frameworks reviewed previ- women tend to have poor economic prospects (Blau,1998),they cannot afford to marry a man ously,however,suggest continuity and change in the association between spouses'traits such who also has poor economic prospects.In con- as education and income,net of changes in trast,higher education provides women with marginal distributions of these traits,during higher earning power.Thus,highly educated women have greater economic independence the 1980 to 2008-2012 period.In addition to and may consider a husband's breadwinning the theoretical relevance,changes in the asso- ciation between spouses'traits are thought of capability as less important than other criteria when seeking a future spouse (Press,2004).In as indicators of changes in social boundaries addition,highly educated men may be more will- between groups and changes in the function of ing than less-educated men to marry women who certain traits in mate selection (Hou Myles, earn more than they do (South,1991)because 2008;Qian Lichter,2011).Given the theo- they hold more egalitarian gender ideologies retical and substantive importance,the current (Davis Greenstein,2009).Yet,at the same study follows prior highly regarded research on time,men with no high school diploma,but not assortative mating (e.g.,Mare,1991;Qian Lichter,2007,2011;Schwartz Mare,2005) their female counterparts,have experienced a dramatic decline in income in recent decades and uses log-linear models to estimate asso- (White Rogers,2000).The economic vulner- ciations between spouses'traits (specifically, ability of men with very low levels of education education and income),independent of the suggests that a pronounced tendency for women changing marginal distributions of these traits. to marry up in income may not be particularly Indeed,among many traits that play a role in evident among couples in which both spouses the choice of a spouse,sociologists have most have less than a high school education.In light often examined assortative marriage patterns of these considerations,I propose the following with respect to education (e.g.,Blossfeld,2009; hypotheses: Mare,1991,2016;Schwartz Mare,2005). Education is multifaceted,reflecting cultural Hypothesis 4a:The tendency for women to marry resources such as values,beliefs,and life styles up in income is generally greater among cou- as well as earnings potential (Bruze,2011; ples who share the same education level than Kalmijn,1994;Sweeney,2002).In addition, among couples in which the wife has less educa- schools provide an institutional setting wherein tion than the husband.This tendency is likely less individuals can interact and build romantic pronounced at both ends of the educational distri- relationships with potential spouses (Kalmijn, bution. 1998).Prior research on educational assortative Hypothesis 4b:The greater tendency for women to marriage in the United States found that from marry up in income among couples who share the 1960 to the early 2000s,men and women,4 Journal of Marriage and Family in education did not change between 1980 and 2008–2012. In addition, among couples in which hus￾bands and wives are equals with respect to edu￾cation, husbands’ income advantage would help attain their higher status relative to their wives. Moreover, I hypothesize that among couples who share the same education level, the ten￾dency for women to marry up in income may be less pronounced at both ends of the edu￾cational distribution. Despite recent declines in marriage rates especially among less-educated individuals (Cherlin, 2010), the symbolic impor￾tance of marriage remains high in that marriage has become “a marker of prestige” (Cherlin, 2004, p. 855). Individuals from lower social classes require high economic security before entering marriage (Cherlin, 2004; Smock, Man￾ning, & Porter, 2005). Because less-educated women tend to have poor economic prospects (Blau, 1998), they cannot afford to marry a man who also has poor economic prospects. In con￾trast, higher education provides women with higher earning power. Thus, highly educated women have greater economic independence and may consider a husband’s breadwinning capability as less important than other criteria when seeking a future spouse (Press, 2004). In addition, highly educated men may be more will￾ing than less-educated men to marry women who earn more than they do (South, 1991) because they hold more egalitarian gender ideologies (Davis & Greenstein, 2009). Yet, at the same time, men with no high school diploma, but not their female counterparts, have experienced a dramatic decline in income in recent decades (White & Rogers, 2000). The economic vulner￾ability of men with very low levels of education suggests that a pronounced tendency for women to marry up in income may not be particularly evident among couples in which both spouses have less than a high school education. In light of these considerations, I propose the following hypotheses: Hypothesis 4a: The tendency for women to marry up in income is generally greater among cou￾ples who share the same education level than among couples in which the wife has less educa￾tion than the husband. This tendency is likely less pronounced at both ends of the educational distri￾bution. Hypothesis 4b: The greater tendency for women to marry up in income among couples who share the same education level did not change between 1980 and 2008–2012. Previous Research and the Present Study Changing patterns of assortative mating may reflect changes in marginal distributions of husbands’ and wives’ traits as well as changes in associations between spouses’ traits once marginal distributions have been taken into account (Hou & Myles, 2008; Mare, 1991; Qian & Lichter, 2007). For example, the pro￾portion of marriages in which the wife had more education than the husband may have increased between 1980 and 2008–2012 mainly because of disproportionate gains in women’s educational attainment rather than changes in the association between spouses’ education. The theoretical frameworks reviewed previ￾ously, however, suggest continuity and change in the association between spouses’ traits such as education and income, net of changes in marginal distributions of these traits, during the 1980 to 2008–2012 period. In addition to the theoretical relevance, changes in the asso￾ciation between spouses’ traits are thought of as indicators of changes in social boundaries between groups and changes in the function of certain traits in mate selection (Hou & Myles, 2008; Qian & Lichter, 2011). Given the theo￾retical and substantive importance, the current study follows prior highly regarded research on assortative mating (e.g., Mare, 1991; Qian & Lichter, 2007, 2011; Schwartz & Mare, 2005) and uses log-linear models to estimate asso￾ciations between spouses’ traits (specifically, education and income), independent of the changing marginal distributions of these traits. Indeed, among many traits that play a role in the choice of a spouse, sociologists have most often examined assortative marriage patterns with respect to education (e.g., Blossfeld, 2009; Mare, 1991, 2016; Schwartz & Mare, 2005). Education is multifaceted, reflecting cultural resources such as values, beliefs, and life styles as well as earnings potential (Bruze, 2011; Kalmijn, 1994; Sweeney, 2002). In addition, schools provide an institutional setting wherein individuals can interact and build romantic relationships with potential spouses (Kalmijn, 1998). Prior research on educational assortative marriage in the United States found that from 1960 to the early 2000s, men and women