1272 WORLD DEVELOPMENT pensation for their services.These petty functionaries regional power competition for quite some time operated virtually as local ezars.not easily influenced (Conroy.1960).Given the mercantilist nature of from above and responsible for the "venality and Japanese political economy.however.it does not exploitation of the peasant population"(Lee in Eckert make much sense to raise the old question on imperi- eral,199.p.111. alism of whether security was more important than In sum.the ineffectiveness of the Yi state was economic interests.More than in the case of most rooted in part in the pattern of state-class linkages and imperial powers.the Meiji oligarchs of Japan readily in part in the design of the state itself.Regarding the associated national power with national wealth and latter.a personalistic apex.a factionalized ruling national wealth with overseas economic opportunities strata,and a limited downward reach of central (Duus.1984.Pp.132-133. authorities.were all significant characteristics con- Certain unique aspects of Japanese imperialism are tributing to the state's powerlessness.This state- essential to note for a full understanding of the colo- weak from the inside and hemmed in by powerful nial impact on Korea (Peattie,1984,pp.3-60).First, social actors from the outside-contributed little,if the Japanese had themselves barely escaped being any.to sustained economic progress.4 Worse,when imperialized.As both late developers and late imperi faced with growing security challenges and related alists.Japan colonized neighboring states with whom fiscal crises,the Yi state turned on its own society. they shared racial and cultural traits:it was as if becoming rapacious and predatory.The views of sev- England had colonized a few.across-the-channcl con- eral historians and observers of the day converge on tinental states.Proximity meant that many more such a perspective on the precolonial Korean state: Japanese ended up playing a direct role in colonial programs of the Yi government became "embezzle- rulc.including a much larger role of military and ment facilities for a rapacious officialdom"(Lew in police,than was ever the case in European overseas Eckert et al..1990,p.179):"maladministration...of colonies.The near geographical contiguity and shared the native Yi dynasty had affected adversely the culural and racial traits also implied that the Japanese whole of Korean public service"(Ireland.1926.p. could realistically consider their rule to be permanent, 92):"one of the strongest and most fixed impressions leading eventually to a full integration of colonies into made (during my travels to Korea)was that of the an expanded Japan.As will be discussed below,this well-nigh hopeless corruption of Korean court:and possibility.in turn,influenced both the economic and the Korean government "takes from the people political strategies of Japan in Korea.especially the directly and indirectly.everything that they carn over Japanese-initiated industrialization of Korea. and above a bare subsistence.and gives them in return Furthermore.Japanese colonial strategy was practically nothing."I deeply informed by their own successful domestic Since corrupt and ineffective states are indeed a reform efforts following the Meiji restoration.Of all common feature in parts of the contemporary Third the colonizing nations,Japan stands out as nearly the World.one may genuinely wonder:how was Korea's only one with a successful record of deliberate,state- "predatory"state historically transformed into what led political and economic transformation.By trial some may describe as a"developmental"state The and error the Meiji oligarchs had designed a political impact of Japanese colonial power was decisive in economy that was well suited for the task of"catching altering both the nature of the Korean state and the up"with advanced Western powers.The essential ele- relationship of this state to various social classes.The ments of this political economy are well known and transformation of the state is discussed immediately can be briefly reiterated:the creation of an effective below and the changing relationship of the state to centralized state capable of both controlling and trans- social classes in subsequent sections. forming Japanese society:deliberate state interven- tion aimed.first at agricultural development.and sec- ond at rapid industrial growth:and production of a (b)Toward a "developmental"state disciplined,obedient and educated work force.It was this model of deliherate development.with its empha- The Japanese military victory over the Russians in sis on state building and on the use of state power to 1904 marked the emergence of Japan as the major facilitate socioeconomic change-in contrast say,to regional power,a power that had been rising steadily the British.who having created a private property since the Meiji restoration in the 1860s.Subsequently. regime,waited in vain for Bengali samtindars in India Japan.with the acquiescence of Western powers,had to turn into a sheep farming gentry-that moved the a relatively free hand in dominating and molding Japanese colonizers.I%In Peattie's words,much of Korea.Japanese motives in Korea,like the motives of what Japan undertook in its colonies "was based upon all imperial powers.were mixed:they sought to con- Meiji experience in domestic reform"(Peattie.1984. trol it politically and to transform it economically for P.29. their own advantage.Security concerns were probably It is not surprising that the earliest Japanese efforts dominant insofar as Korea had been an object of in Korea were focused on reforming the disintegratingI272 WORLD DEVELOPMENT pensation for their service\. These petty functionaries operated virtually as local czars. not easily influenced from above and responsible for the “venality and exploitation of the peasant population” (Lee in Eckert er LII.. 1990. p. 1 I I). In sum. the ineffectiveness of the Yi state was rooted in part in the pattern of state-class linkages and in part in the design of the state itself. Regarding the latter, a personalistic apex. a factionalized ruling strata, and a limited downward reach of central authorities. were all significant characteristics con￾tributing to the state’s powerlessness. This state - weak from the inside and hemmed in by powerful social actors from the outside - contributed little. if any, to sustained economic progress? Worse, when faced with growing security challenges and related fiscal crises, the Yi state turned on its own society, becoming rapacious and predatory. The views of sev￾eral historians and observers of the day converge on such a perspective on the precolonial Korean state: programs of the Yi government became “embezzle￾ment facilities for a rapacious officialdom” (Lew in Eckert et crl., 1990. p. 179); “maladministration of the native Yi dynasty had affected adversely the whole of Korean public service” (Ireland. 1926. p, 92): “one of the strongest and most fixed impressions made (during my travels to Korea) WI\ that of the well-nigh hopeless corruption of Korean court:“‘i and the Korean govermnent “takes from the people directly and indirectly, everything that they earn ovel and above a bare subsistence. and gives them in return practically nothing.“l(> Since corrupt and ineffecti\;e states arc indeed a common feature in parts of the contemporary Third World. one may genuinely wonder: how ~a\ Korea’s “predatory” state historically transformed into what some may describe as a “developmental” state?” The impact of Japanese colonial pow’er was decisive in altering both the nature of the Korean state and the relationship of this state to various social classes. The transformation of the state is discussed immediately below and the changing relationship of the state to social classes in subsequent sections,. The Japanese military victory over the Russians in 1904 marked the emergence of Japan as the major regional power. a power that had been ri\ing ste&ly since the Meiji restoration in the 1860s. Subsequently. Japan. with the acquiescence of Wcstcrn powers. had a relatively free hand in dominating and molding Korea. Japanese motives in Korea. like the motives of all imperial powers. were mixed; they sought to con￾trol it politically and to transform it economically lip their own advantage. Security concern\ were probably dominant insofar as Korea had been an ob.jcct of regional power competition for quite some time (Conroy. 1960). Given the mercantilist nature of Japanese political economy. however, it does not make much sense to raise the old question on imperi￾alism of whether security was more important than economic interests. More than in the case of most imperial powers. the Meiji oligarchs of Japan readily associated national power with national wealth and national wealth with overseas economic opportunities (Duus. 1984, pp. 132-133). Certain unique aspects of Japanese imperialism are essential to note for a full understanding of the colo￾nial impact on Korea (Peattie. 1984, pp. 3-60). First, the Japanese had themselves barely escaped being imperialized. As both late developers and late imperi￾alists. Japan colonized neighboring states with whom they shared racial and cultural traits; it was as if England had colonized a few, across-the-channel con￾tinental states. Proximity meant that many more Japanese ended up playing a direct role in colonial rule. including a much larger role of military and police. than was ever the case in European overseas colonies. The near geographical contiguity and shared cultural and racial traits also implied that the Japanese could realistically consider their rule to be permanent, leading eventually to a full integration of colonies into an expanded Japan. As will be discussed below. this possibility, in turn, influenced both the economic and political strategies of Japan in Korea. especially the Japanese-initiated industrialization of Korea. Furthermore. Japanese colonial strategy was deeply informed by their own successful domestic reform efforts following the Meiji restoration. Of all the colonizing nations. Japan stands out as nearly the only one with a successful record of deliberate. state￾led political and economic transformation. By trial and error the Meiji oligarchs had designed a political economy that was well suited for the task of “catching up” with advanced Western powers. The essential ele￾ments of this political economy are well known and can be briefly reiterated: the creation of an effective centralized state capable of both controlling and trans￾forming Japanese society: deliberate state interven￾tion aimed. first at agricultural development. and Tee￾trnd at rapid industrial growth: and production of a disciplined. obedient and educated work force. It was this model of deliberate development. with its empha￾si\ on state building and on the use of state power to facilitate socioeconomic change - in contrast say, to the British, who having created a private property regime. waited in vain for Bengali ~ctminclar.s in India to turn into a sheep farming gentry -that moved the Japanejc colonizers. IH In Peattie’s words, much of v, hat Japan undertook in its colonies “was based upon Meiji experience in domestic reform” (Peattie, 1984. p. 2Y). It is not surprising that the earliest Japanese efforts in Korea were focused on reforming the disintegrating