one be violated?Even in such a case,would not the official oath be broken, if the government should be overthrown,when it was believed that disregarding the single law,would tend to preserve it?But it was not believed that this question was presented.It was not believed that any law was violated.The provision of the Constitution that "The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus,shall not be suspended unless when,in cases of rebellion or invasion,the public safety may require it,'is equivalent to a provision---is a provision---that such privilege may be suspended when,in cases of rebellion,or invasion,the public safety does require it.It was decided that we have a case of rebellion,and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made.Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the Executive,is vested with this power.But the Constitution itself,is silent as to which,or who,is to exercise the power;and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency,it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended,that in every case,the danger should run its course,until Congress could be called together; the very assembling of which might be prevented,as was intended in this case,by the rebellion. No more extended argument is now offered;as an opinion,at some length, will probably be presented by the Attorney General.Whether there shall be any legislation upon the subject,and if any,what,is submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress. The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary,and so long continued,as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While this,on discovery,gave the Executive some concern,he is now happy to say that the sovereignty,and rights of the United States,are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers;and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world. The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury,War,and the Navy,will give the information in detail deemed necessary,and convenient for your deliberation,and action;while the Executive,and all the Departments, will stand ready to supply omissions,or to communicate new facts, considered important for you to know. It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short,and a decisive one;that you place at the control of the government, for the work,at least four hundred thousand men,and four hundred millions of dollars.That number of men is about one tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where,apparently,all are willing to engage;and the sum is less than a twentythird part of the money value owned by the menone be violated? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken, if the government should be overthrown, when it was believed that disregarding the single law, would tend to preserve it? But it was not believed that this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The provision of the Constitution that "The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it,’’ is equivalent to a provision---is a provision---that such privilege may be suspended when, in cases of rebellion, or invasion, the public safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the Executive, is vested with this power. But the Constitution itself, is silent as to which, or who, is to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended, that in every case, the danger should run its course, until Congress could be called together; the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion. No more extended argument is now offered; as an opinion, at some length, will probably be presented by the Attorney General. Whether there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress. The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary, and so long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty, and rights of the United States, are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world. The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy, will give the information in detail deemed necessary, and convenient for your deliberation, and action; while the Executive, and all the Departments, will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts, considered important for you to know. It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short, and a decisive one; that you place at the control of the government, for the work, at least four hundred thousand men, and four hundred millions of dollars. That number of men is about one tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and the sum is less than a twentythird part of the money value owned by the men