THE SCIENCE OF MUDDLING THROUGH 85 water power resources,but in slightly different helpful division of labor would be achieved, ways;and both favor unemployment compen- and no agency need find its task beyond its sation,but not the same level of benefits. capacities.The shortcomings of such a system Similarly,shifts of policy within a party take would be that one agency might destroy a place largely through a series of relatively value either before another agency could be small changes,as can be seen in their only activated to safeguard it or in spite of another gradual acceptance of the idea of govern- agency's efforts.But the possibility that im- mental responsibility for support of the un- portant values may be lost is present in any employed,a change in party positions begin- form of organization,even where agencies ning in the early go's and culminating in a attempt to comprehend in planning more sense in the Employment Act of 1946. than is humanly possible. Party behavior is in turn rooted in public The virtue of such a hypothetical division attitudes,and political theorists cannot con- of labor is that every important interest or ceive of democracy's surviving in the United value has its watchdog.And these watchdogs States in the absence of fundamental agree- can protect the interests in their jurisdiction ment on potentially disruptive issues,with in two quite different ways:first,by redressing consequent limitation of policy debates to damages done by other agencies;and,second, relatively small differences in policy. by anticipating and heading off injury before Since the policies ignored by the adminis- it occurs. trator are politically impossible and so irrele- In a society like that of the United States in vant,the simplification of analysis achieved which individuals are free to combine to by concentrating on policies that differ only pursue almost any possible common interest incrementally is not a capricious kind of they might have and in which government simplification.In addition,it can be argued agencies are sensitive to the pressures of these that,given the limits on knowledge within groups,the system described is approximated. which policy-makers are confined,simplifying Almost every interest has its watchdog.With- by limiting the focus to small variations from out claiming that every interest has a suffi- present policy makes the most of available ciently powerful watchdog,it can be argued knowledge.Because policies being considered that our system often can assure a more com- are like present and past policies,the ad- prehensive regard for the values of the whole ministrator can obtain information and claim society than any attempt at intellectual com- some insight.Non-incremental policy pro- prehensiveness. posals are therefore typically not only politi- In the United States,for example,no part cally irrelevant but also unpredictable in their of government attempts a comprehensive consequences. overview of policy on income distribution.A The second method of simplification of policy nevertheless evolves,and one respond- analysis is the practice of ignoring important ing to a wide variety of interests.A process of possible consequences of possible policies,as mutual adjustment among farm groups,labor well as the values attached to the neglected unions,municipalities and school boards,tax consequences.If this appears to disclose a authorities,and government agencies with re- shocking shortcoming of successive limited sponsibilities in the fields of housing,health, comparisons,it can be replied that,even if highways,national parks,fire,and police ac- the exclusions are random,policies may never- complishes a distribution of income in which theless be more intelligently formulated than particular income problems neglected at one through futile attempts to achieve a compre- point in the decision processes become central hensiveness beyond human capacity.Actually, at another point. however,the exclusions,seeming arbitrary or Mutual adjustment is more pervasive than random from one point of view,need be the explicit forms it takes in negotiation be- neither. tween groups;it persists through the mutual impacts of groups upon each other even Achieving a Degree of Comprehensiveness where they are not in communication.For Suppose that each value neglected by one all the imperfections and latent dangers in policy-making agency were a major concern this ubiquitous process of mutual adjustment, of at least one other agency.In that case,a it will often accomplish an adaptation of pol-THE SCIENCE OF 85 "MUDDLING THROUGH" water power resources, but in slightly different ways; and both favor unemployment compen￾sation, but not the same level of benefits. Similarly, shifts of policy within a party take place largely through a series of relatively small changes, as can be seen in their only gradual acceptance of the idea of govern￾mental responsibility for support of the un￾employed, a change in party positions begin￾ning in the early 30's and culminating in a sense in the Employment Act of 1946. Party behavior is in turn rooted in public attitudes, and political theorists cannot con￾ceive of democracy's surviving in the United States in the absence of fundamental agree￾ment on potentially disruptive issues, with consequent limitation of policy debates to relatively small differences in policy. Since the policies ignored by the adminis￾trator are politically impossible and so irrele￾vant, the simplification of analysis achieved by concentrating on policies that differ only incrementally is not a capricious kind of simplification. In addition, it can be argued that, given the limits on knowledge within which policy-makers are confined, simplifying by limiting the focus to small variations from present policy makes the most of available knowledge. Because policies being considered are like present and past policies, the ad￾ministrator can obtain information and claim some insight. Non-incremental policy pro￾posals are therefore typically not only politi￾cally irrelevant but also unpredictable in their consequences. The second method of simplification of analysis is the practice of ignoring important possible consequences of possible policies, as well as the values attached to the neglected consequences. If this appears to disclose a shocking shortcoming of successive limited comparisons, it can be replied that, even if the exclusions are random, policies may never￾theless be more intelligently formulated than through futile attempts to achieve a compre￾hensiveness beyond human capacity. Actually, however, the exclusions, seeming arbitrary or random from one point of view, need be neither. Achieving a Degree of Comprehensiveness Suppose that each value neglected by one policy-making agency were a major concern of at least one other agency. In that case, a helpful division of labor would be achieved, and no agency need find its task beyond its capacities. The shortcomings of such a system would be that one agency might destroy a value either before another agency could be activated to safeguard it or in spite of another agency's efforts. But the possibility that im￾portant values may be lost is present in any form of organization, even where agencies attempt to comprehend in planning more than is humanly possible. The virtue of such a hypothetical division of labor is that every important interest or value has its watchdog. And these watchdogs can protect the interests in their jurisdiction in two quite different ways: first, by redressing damages done by other agencies; and, second, by anticipating and heading off injury before it occurs. In a society like that of the United States in which individuals are free to combine to pursue almost any possible common interest they might have and in which government agencies are sensitive to the pressures of these groups, the system described is approximated. Almost every interest has its watchdog. With￾out claiming that every interest has a suffi￾ciently powerful watchdog, it can be argued that our system often can assure a more com￾prehensive regard for the values of the whole society than any attempt at intellectual com￾prehensiveness. In the United States, for example, no part of government attempts a comprehensive overview of policy on income distribution. A policy nevertheless evolves, and one respond￾ing to a wide variety of interests. A process of mutual adjustment among farm groups, labor unions, municipalities and school boards, tax authorities, and government agencies with re￾sponsibilities in the fields of housing, health, highways, national parks, fire, and police ac￾complishes a distribution of income in which particular income problems neglected at one point in the decision processes become central at another point. Mutual adjustment is more pervasive than the explicit forms it takes in negotiation be￾tween groups; it persists through the mutual impacts of groups upon each other even where they are not in communication. For all the imperfections and latent dangers in this ubiquitous process of mutual adjustment, it will often accomplish an adaptation of pol-