786 KRIZAN AND IOHAR asthey need to f-control s 1973: the wour sm (Ame ciation.2000 issists are exre cted to react with aggression to and to displace their aggression onto others who response to even minor provocations Does Evidence Support the Narcissistic Rage Hypothesis? Sha ame and Inferioritv add them.R 981 sion when face ster.Parrott.&Byre.02:Tangney &Dearing.2002).S impeachments of one' ften go usly unacknowledged or misidentified.transforn 1993 1988:Rhode walt Mor thers that shamed us may be initially adaptiv nd entitlemer similar ainful fee ather med us (Ko ohut.1972:M.Lewis.1992.pp. 150 iv es to imp shment of on's image o ndio issists" inflated s which ther fuel a neiste 998:Morf g92 see also Scheff.1987).Empirical research sa clo tool out of the se that ha d as 2008 Hill-Rado 106)In shor sistic individuals are expected to experie rage in par 678 ide on grand 19resofn han Reactive and Displaced Aggression 1995 On the oth man studies find tha ithe V.or d Third and final.narcissistic rage should lead to disr and unfocus Atlas Them 2003 ggre ”that is rathe on harming th other indi 1004)Given the intense rage compounded by feelings of shame or s to b "there is utte isregard for reasonable limitation t Mo 1009 &Stak and add fuel heAccordingly, the narcissistically wounded are thought to distrust others and be suspicious of their intentions, as they need to rationalize why these others are getting in their way or withholding special treatment that the narcissist expects (Bursten, 1973; Mil￾lon, 1997; Ronningstam, 2005). In concert with other clinical accounts of narcissism (American Psychiatric Association, 2000; Kernberg, 1975), these observations explicate narcissistic rage as a pervasive and dysfunctional anger coupled with hostile suspicions, presumably resulting in misdirected or disproportionate aggression in response to even minor provocations. Shame and Inferiority Second, narcissistic rage is thought to be aggravated by inferi￾ority and shame (Broucek, 1982; Kohut, 1972). Shame involves feelings of being exposed and devalued for one’s deficiencies, and can be one of the most devastating human emotions (Smith, Webster, Parrott, & Eyre, 2002; Tangney & Dearing, 2002). Schol￾ars have long noted that the pain of shame is so severe that it may often go consciously unacknowledged or misidentified, transform￾ing into vague feelings of depression or anger at sources of shame (Alexander, 1938; H. B. Lewis, 1971). On one hand, anger at others that shamed us may be initially adaptive, as it can help us to forget shame-based pain, to recast the blame for painful feelings on others rather than ourselves, or to eliminate the person that shamed us (Kohut, 1972; M. Lewis, 1992, pp. 150 –151). On the other hand, such responses to shaming, if prolonged, can lead to chronic rage reactions, which further exacerbate existing feelings of shame and guilt, which then further fuel anger, ultimately creating a “shame–rage spiral” (H. B. Lewis, 1971; M. Lewis, 1992; see also Scheff, 1987). Empirical research confirms a close link between shame and anger, and suggests that shame-prone individuals are more likely to experience anger and to engage in destructive behaviors as a result (Bennett, Sullivan, & Lewis, 2005; Harper & Arias, 2004; Tangney et al., 1992; Tangney, Wagner, Hill-Barlow, Marschall, & Gramzow, 1996). In short, narcissistic individuals are expected to experience rage in part because they are especially prone to shame and dejection when flaws in themselves and their narcissistically perceived reality are exposed. Reactive and Displaced Aggression Third and final, narcissistic rage should lead to disproportionate and unfocused acts of aggression in response to provocation. These aggressive behaviors are expected to be “reactive” rather than “proactive,” that is, driven by anger, relatively spontaneous, and focused on harming the other individual (rather than deliberate and calculating; see Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Crick & Dodge, 1994). Given the intense rage compounded by feelings of shame or inferiority, narcissistic individuals are thought to engage in imma￾ture, dysfunctional aggressive acts. As Kohut (1972, p. 639) sug￾gests, “there is utter disregard for reasonable limitations and a boundless wish to redress an injury and to obtain revenge.” Fur￾thermore, this rage is expected to fuel displaced aggression as others’ unrelated or minor provocations get in the way and add fuel to the proverbial fire (Vaknin, 2001). Consistent with this reason￾ing, increased anger and suspicions about others’ behavior gener￾ally exacerbate displaced aggression, particularly in the presence of additional minor provocations (i.e., “triggers”; see N. Miller, Pedersen, Earleywine, & Pollock, 2003). In addition, angry rumi￾nation may undermine self-control, suggesting an additional level of unpredictability in aggression among the wounded narcissists (Denson, Pedersen, Friese, Hahm, & Roberts, 2011). In short, narcissists are expected to react with aggression to even minor provocations and to displace their aggression onto others who stand in their way or prove to be minor annoyances. Does Evidence Support the Narcissistic Rage Hypothesis? Having summarized the theoretical proposals about narcissistic rage, it is essential to evaluate to what extent the empirical liter￾ature addressed or supported them. Research on narcissistic gran￾diosity using the NPI (Raskin & Hall, 1981) does reveal that narcissistic individuals are more prone to aggression when faced with strong threats to self (e.g., public impeachments of one’s ability, intelligence, or social status; Bushman & Baumeister, 1998; Rhodewalt, Madrian, & Cheney, 1988; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998; Stucke & Sporer, 2002; Twenge & Campbell, 2003). Re￾search focusing more specifically on narcissistic exploitativeness and entitlement reveals similar results (Campbell, Bonacci, Shel￾ton, Exline, & Bushman, 2004; Konrath, Bushman, & Campbell, 2006; Reidy, Zeichner, Foster, & Martinez, 2008). These aggres￾sive responses to impeachment of one’s image or status are often interpreted as maneuvers aimed at restoring one’s superiority, necessitated by (grandiose) narcissists’ inflated self-esteem and entitlement (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998; Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001). These superiority-imposing tactics are also considered to be only one tool out of the narcissists’ considerable set of self￾enhancing strategies (Campbell, Reeder, Sedikides, & Elliot, 2000; Gabriel, Critelli, & Ee, 1994; Krizan & Bushman, 2011; Morf & Rhodewalt, 1993; Vazire, Naumann, Rentfrow, & Gosling, 2008). Although these findings are often taken as support for the narcissistic rage hypothesis (e.g., Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998, p. 678), a careful survey of evidence on grandiose narcissism reveals little to no direct support that it is linked with rage. On one hand, some studies do find a link between narcissistic grandiosity and chronic anger or hostility—signature features of narcissistic rage (e.g., Raskin, Novacek, & Hogan, 1991; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1995). On the other hand, many studies find that grandiosity either does not consistently predict chronic anger nor hostility, or does so only when unique effects of entitlement and exploitativeness are considered (e.g., Atlas & Them, 2008; Besser & Priel, 2010; Bradlee & Emmons, 1992; Ruiz, Smith, & Rhodewalt, 2001; Witte, Callahan, & Perez-Lopez, 2002). Furthermore, studies ex￾amining angry and hostile responses to specific hypothetical or real-life situations offer similarly weak support for broad rage reactions among those high in grandiosity, showing their angry responses to be either average or exacerbated only by direct threats to one’s competence or social status (Kernis & Sun, 1994; McCann & Biaggio, 1989; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998; Smalley & Stake, 1996; Stucke & Sporer, 2002). Taken together, this evidence does not provide convincing support for the notion that chronic and unrestrained anger typifies those with grandiose narcissism. When it comes to shame or dejection, the second signature of narcissistic rage, evidence indicates that grandiose narcissists are actually less likely to experience these reactions than others. First, This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 786 KRIZAN AND JOHAR