ailments, ranging from"defatting of the skin and blurred vision to nervous-system damage and birth defects, according to medical journals, U.S. government bulletins and literature from the chemical manufacturers themselves Ask if she had a mask, " David says No, Maribel answers. Only goggles, and some days not even gloves to handle the chemicals and hot plastic.” David whistles When I got pregnant, I asked to be moved to a job where I didnt have to breathe chemical fumes all day she says. As Maribel talks, her son, Erick, bundled against the cold, walks in and scrambles across the bed for a hug. He's small for his age, and when he unwraps his scarf, he reveals a port wine stain that mottles half his face. Also, there' s something odd about his eyes they're unusually wide-Spaced, as though the top of his face is built on a broader scale than the bottom. When he pulls off his wool beanie, it's clear why: His head is twice the normal size, with two great bony growths the size of doorknobs sprouting from his forehead He's clearly not retarded -he has a sprightly, grown-up wit- but Maribel says he suffers terrifying seizures."And other children are afraid of him, "she adds, so he's lonely His parents dont know what's wrong with him. or even whether the chemicals caused his deformities because when Maribel quit work to care for him, the family lost its health insurance Manuel mentions a 1998 study conducted by the autonomous University of Mexico: Two-thirds of he maquiladora workers surveyed reported health problems from the chemicals they used at work Usually, Manuel adds, the workers have no idea what theyre using David swivels on the bed toward Manuel. In the United States, every container in the plant has to have a label, he says. "If it contains something dangerous, it has to have a big hazmat label with the name of the chemical and a number, one to four, that says how dangerous it is That s alla, says manuel ruefully meaning over there-the term mexicans use for the United State NAFTA may have created jobs in the maquiladoras, Manuel says, but working conditions have worsened. He brandishes a university study showing that wages in the maquiladoras around Matamoros have dropped since NaFTa was signed, in an era when inflation has run between ten and fifty percent a year. And in this town, ordinary consumer goods are more expensive than they are on the Texas side of the border. People who can get permission to cross into the U. S often do their grocery shopping in Brownsville, Manuel says. But low wages are only part of the problem for Mexicans, according to the university study: The workweek has gone from forty to forty-eight hours, benefits such as life insurance, scholarships and regular raises have been replaced by a bonus pegged to productivity; and the right to strike is gone It's what the Seattle protests against the World Trade Organization were about in December, Manuel says. Liberalizing world trade should not harden the lives of ordinary working people. It'sailments, ranging from “defatting of the skin” and blurred vision to nervous-system damage and birth defects, according to medical journals, U.S. government bulletins and literature from the chemical manufacturers themselves. “Ask if she had a mask,” David says. “No,” Maribel answers. “Only goggles, and some days not even gloves to handle the chemicals and hot plastic.” David whistles. “When I got pregnant, I asked to be moved to a job where I didn’t have to breathe chemical fumes all day,” she says. As Maribel talks, her son, Erick, bundled against the cold, walks in and scrambles across the bed for a hug. He’s small for his age, and when he unwraps his scarf, he reveals a port￾wine stain that mottles half his face. Also, there’s something odd about his eyes; they’re unusually wide-spaced, as though the top of his face is built on a broader scale than the bottom. When he pulls off his wool beanie, it’s clear why: His head is twice the normal size, with two great bony growths the size of doorknobs sprouting from his forehead. He’s clearly not retarded – he has a sprightly, grown-up wit – but Maribel says he suffers terrifying seizures. “And other children are afraid of him,” she adds, “so he’s lonely.” His parents don’t know what’s wrong with him, or even whether the chemicals caused his deformities, because when Maribel quit work to care for him, the family lost its health insurance. Manuel mentions a 1998 study conducted by the Autonomous University of Mexico: Two-thirds of the maquiladora workers surveyed reported health problems from the chemicals they used at work. Usually, Manuel adds, the workers have no idea what they’re using. David swivels on the bed toward Manuel. “In the United States, every container in the plant has to have a label,” he says. “If it contains something dangerous, it has to have a big HAZMAT label with the name of the chemical and a number, one to four, that says how dangerous it is.” “That’s allá,” says Manuel ruefully, meaning “over there” – the term Mexicans use for the United States. NAFTA may have created jobs in the maquiladoras, Manuel says, but working conditions have worsened. He brandishes a university study showing that wages in the maquiladoras around Matamoros have dropped since NAFTA was signed, in an era when inflation has run between ten and fifty percent a year. And in this town, ordinary consumer goods are more expensive than they are on the Texas side of the border. People who can get permission to cross into the U.S. often do their grocery shopping in Brownsville, Manuel says. But low wages are only part of the problem for Mexicans, according to the university study: The workweek has gone from forty to forty-eight hours; benefits such as life insurance, scholarships and regular raises have been replaced by a bonus pegged to productivity; and the right to strike is gone. “It’s what the Seattle protests against the World Trade Organization were about in December,” Manuel says. “Liberalizing world trade should not harden the lives of ordinary working people. It’s