400 International Organization key industries with skilled workers,relieve strains on tax-funded pension systems threatened by the graying of the local population,and inject new artistic and intel- lectual life into the nation.On the other hand,there are concerns that immigrants may take jobs away from local workers,subtract more from the government in the form of social services than they give back in taxes,and create ethnic enclaves that balkanize the nation,undermine traditional culture,and lead to crime and other social ills.These latter concerns have encouraged the recent imposition of much tighter immigration controls in several countries while also nurturing the growth of extremist anti-immigrant political movements in many parts of Europe and increasing the incidence of hate crimes directed toward immigrants.The debate seems certain to continue in the years ahead,and grow fiercer. A great deal of new research has examined survey data on individual attitudes toward immigration,focusing on the determinants of anti-immigration sentiments. Some of the most recent and prominent studies have concluded that realistic fears about the economic effects of labor-market competition among low-skilled,blue- collar workers lie at the heart of much anti-immigration feeling.2 These studies all rest their analysis on economic models of the distributive effects of immigration anticipating that low-skilled (that is,less-educated)native workers will lose out when forced to compete for jobs with low-skilled immigrants.3 The key support- ing evidence for their claims is that opposition to immigration among survey respon- dents in advanced industrialized countries is negatively and significantly associated with individual levels of educational attainment.Viewed from this perspective, the immigration debate is to a large extent about economics,and a critical battle line is the one that separates high-skilled and low-skilled workers. But this account does not fit well with the growing body of evidence,available from a variety of studies of European and American labor markets,showing that the effects of immigration flows on income,employment,and unemployment actu- ally appear to be quite small.Since the most sophisticated economic models are quite equivocal about whether immigrants will have an adverse impact on the wages or employment opportunities of local workers,perhaps these latter results should not be so surprising.But this does raise a big question about how exactly one should interpret the clear relationship between the education or skill levels among individuals and their views about immigration.One established line of scholar- ship would regard this pattern not as a reflection of labor-market dynamics,but instead as confirmation that higher levels of education lead to greater ethnic and racial tolerance among individuals and more cosmopolitan outlooks.3 Viewed in 1.See,for example,Gang and Rivera-Batiz 1994b;Citrin et al.1997;and Dustmann and Preston 2001. 2.See,for example,Scheve and Slaughter 2001a and 2001b;Kessler 2001;and Mayda 2006. 3.See Borjas 1999a and 1999b. 4.See Friedberg and Hunt 1995;Bhagwati 2000 and 2002;Dustmann et al.2004;and Card 2005; although see Borjas 2003. 5.See,for example,Espenshade and Calhoun 1993;Citrin et al.1997;and McLaren 2001.key industries with skilled workers, relieve strains on tax-funded pension systems threatened by the graying of the local population, and inject new artistic and intel￾lectual life into the nation+ On the other hand, there are concerns that immigrants may take jobs away from local workers, subtract more from the government in the form of social services than they give back in taxes, and create ethnic enclaves that balkanize the nation, undermine traditional culture, and lead to crime and other social ills+ These latter concerns have encouraged the recent imposition of much tighter immigration controls in several countries while also nurturing the growth of extremist anti-immigrant political movements in many parts of Europe and increasing the incidence of hate crimes directed toward immigrants+ The debate seems certain to continue in the years ahead, and grow fiercer+ A great deal of new research has examined survey data on individual attitudes toward immigration, focusing on the determinants of anti-immigration sentiments+ 1 Some of the most recent and prominent studies have concluded that realistic fears about the economic effects of labor-market competition among low-skilled, blue￾collar workers lie at the heart of much anti-immigration feeling+ 2 These studies all rest their analysis on economic models of the distributive effects of immigration anticipating that low-skilled ~that is, less-educated! native workers will lose out when forced to compete for jobs with low-skilled immigrants+ 3 The key support￾ing evidence for their claims is that opposition to immigration among survey respon￾dents in advanced industrialized countries is negatively and significantly associated with individual levels of educational attainment+ Viewed from this perspective, the immigration debate is to a large extent about economics, and a critical battle line is the one that separates high-skilled and low-skilled workers+ But this account does not fit well with the growing body of evidence, available from a variety of studies of European and American labor markets, showing that the effects of immigration flows on income, employment, and unemployment actu￾ally appear to be quite small+ 4 Since the most sophisticated economic models are quite equivocal about whether immigrants will have an adverse impact on the wages or employment opportunities of local workers, perhaps these latter results should not be so surprising+ But this does raise a big question about how exactly one should interpret the clear relationship between the education or skill levels among individuals and their views about immigration+ One established line of scholar￾ship would regard this pattern not as a reflection of labor-market dynamics, but instead as confirmation that higher levels of education lead to greater ethnic and racial tolerance among individuals and more cosmopolitan outlooks+ 5 Viewed in 1+ See, for example, Gang and Rivera-Batiz 1994b; Citrin et al+ 1997; and Dustmann and Preston 2001+ 2+ See, for example, Scheve and Slaughter 2001a and 2001b; Kessler 2001; and Mayda 2006+ 3+ See Borjas 1999a and 1999b+ 4+ See Friedberg and Hunt 1995; Bhagwati 2000 and 2002; Dustmann et al+ 2004; and Card 2005; although see Borjas 2003+ 5+ See, for example, Espenshade and Calhoun 1993; Citrin et al+ 1997; and McLaren 2001+ 400 International Organization