Voluntas Turning to Corporatist Tactics Supporting the CCPs Line One Gender Equality Prior to 1995,the psychological and emotional support of DV victims was the cornerstone of ADV organizations'efforts.After 1995,ADV organizations increasingly turned to the legal dimension of DV and to raising awareness about the issue (Interview 10).However,the corporate tactical approach adopted by ADV actors toward the party-state remained the same pre-and post-1995;they adapted to the prevailing political environment in which the party-state officially remained the dominant policy decision-maker.As such,ADV organizations raised awareness (including through small-scale community campaigns),provided legal recommen- dations,seminars,and workshops for policy cadres and other multipliers,and conducted pilot projects on DV prevention.Most of these activities were,supported by the official state women's institution,the All China Women's Federation (ACWF).14 One organization also offered legal counseling and representation for DV victims.Initially,this service was provided to everyone,but demand grew so immensely that the organization started to select only those cases with the most potential to improve overall legal protection against DV for all Chinese citizens (Interviews 2 and 10). These mobilization efforts were framed as supportive to the CCP's efforts.As a result,organizations were able to establish themselves as important advisors for policy cadres regarding legal protection against DV (Interview 1).In this sense, professional ADV organizations function(ed)as service providers and professional advocacy organizations simultaneously.Initially,their advocacy was directed to a wide range of recipients ranging from policy elites [such as members of the ACWF and National People's Congress (NPC)]to lawyers and judges. More recently,dissemination activities gained increasing importance in the tactical approach of Beijing ADV organizations.Such dissemination is no longer only directed at policy cadres but also to official and new media as well as scientific publication channels(nterview6,Guo et al..2003;中国法学会反对家庭暴力网络 2010).Scientific support for social actor's demands has recently been identified as a crucial factor in gaining party-state elites'support for collective social actors'goals (Yang and Alpermann 2014).New media,particularly the internet,has also gained increasing importance as a mobilization and information tool for collective social actors (Yang 2003,2009),and an alternative source of information to censored official state media.Moreover,DV experts argue that awareness of DV among the general public has increased significantly through ADV organizations'activities (Interviews 1 and 10);their mobilization through media and activities can support these professional activists'claims. Through this tactical approach,activists were able to establish themselves as advisors on legal aspects of DV for policy elites.In this sense,their mobilization 14 The All Chinese Women's Federation(ACWF)was established in 1949 as the official representative of women's rights and interests and the link between women and the CCP(Liu 2001).The ACWF has branches at all administrative levels.Following the emergence of independent women's organizations after 1995,the ACWF came under increasing pressure to adequately represent women's interests.Due to this rising pressure,the ACWF has undergone several reforms (Howell 1997). ②SpringerTurning to Corporatist Tactics Supporting the CCPs Line One Gender Equality Prior to 1995, the psychological and emotional support of DV victims was the cornerstone of ADV organizations’ efforts. After 1995, ADV organizations increasingly turned to the legal dimension of DV and to raising awareness about the issue (Interview 10). However, the corporate tactical approach adopted by ADV actors toward the party-state remained the same pre- and post-1995; they adapted to the prevailing political environment in which the party-state officially remained the dominant policy decision-maker. As such, ADV organizations raised awareness (including through small-scale community campaigns), provided legal recommen￾dations, seminars, and workshops for policy cadres and other multipliers, and conducted pilot projects on DV prevention. Most of these activities were, supported by the official state women’s institution, the All China Women’s Federation (ACWF).14 One organization also offered legal counseling and representation for DV victims. Initially, this service was provided to everyone, but demand grew so immensely that the organization started to select only those cases with the most potential to improve overall legal protection against DV for all Chinese citizens (Interviews 2 and 10). These mobilization efforts were framed as supportive to the CCP’s efforts. As a result, organizations were able to establish themselves as important advisors for policy cadres regarding legal protection against DV (Interview 1). In this sense, professional ADV organizations function(ed) as service providers and professional advocacy organizations simultaneously. Initially, their advocacy was directed to a wide range of recipients ranging from policy elites [such as members of the ACWF and National People’s Congress (NPC)] to lawyers and judges. More recently, dissemination activities gained increasing importance in the tactical approach of Beijing ADV organizations. Such dissemination is no longer only directed at policy cadres but also to official and new media as well as scientific publication channels (Interview 6, Guo et al. 2003; 中国法学会反对家庭暴力网络 2010). Scientific support for social actor’s demands has recently been identified as a crucial factor in gaining party-state elites’ support for collective social actors’ goals (Yang and Alpermann 2014). New media, particularly the internet, has also gained increasing importance as a mobilization and information tool for collective social actors (Yang 2003, 2009), and an alternative source of information to censored official state media. Moreover, DV experts argue that awareness of DV among the general public has increased significantly through ADV organizations’ activities (Interviews 1 and 10); their mobilization through media and activities can support these professional activists’ claims. Through this tactical approach, activists were able to establish themselves as advisors on legal aspects of DV for policy elites. In this sense, their mobilization 14 The All Chinese Women’s Federation (ACWF) was established in 1949 as the official representative of women’s rights and interests and the link between women and the CCP (Liu 2001). The ACWF has branches at all administrative levels. Following the emergence of independent women’s organizations after 1995, the ACWF came under increasing pressure to adequately represent women’s interests. Due to this rising pressure, the ACWF has undergone several reforms (Howell 1997). Voluntas 123