LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA variation supports the argument that gay groups are more divided in part because of competition over resources;lesbian groups have little to fight over and so we should rightly see less competition and probably more cooperation(mirroring what occurred among all LGBT activists before the influx of HIV/AIDS funds). The lack of dense domestic activist networks is not only due to competition over resources,but also political concerns.One common tactic for NGOs to adapt to the narrow political opportunity structure is to explicitly limit networking.Activists believe that the government disapproves of linkages and for good reason:the original 1998 regulation on social organization registration,and recent updates,contain measures designed to limit both domestic and international networking.71 Activists suggest that this fear could sour relations,making their work more difficult in the short term and hindering prospects for survival in the long term.Leaders of Chinese NGOs in multiple issue areas recognize that ties with other organizations should be minimized to improve or maintain their relations with governments,and sometimes avoided altogether.73 When an activist is seen as having conflicts with the state, others steer clear.They fear that being associated with a troublemaker could increase the likelihood of experiencing a similar negative state response.One of the most visible HIV/AIDS activists in China has been alienated by other NGO leaders. Because of the negative response he has received by the government (i.e.house arrest),other activists are reluctant to interact with him;his influence in the domestic NGO community has all but evaporated. Received wisdom on civil society assumes that NGOs,particularly those that share goals,are stronger when united in solidarity than when they are atomized;group linkages are also crucial for ensuring a long-term future.4 The lack of these ties can hurt activists'ability to address pressing social problems,but also hinder efforts of sharing information and strategies that might ensure longer-term success for individual groups.It also clearly interferes with efforts at forming solidarity within and across issue areas,which is crucial for a larger civil society to thrive. Finally,because the international community must also cultivate positive relations with the Chinese government,relations with domestic activists have become further strained:activists express some concern about the tendency of INGOs to engage in work that might interfere and undercut their own work.Some activists perceive international actors as too concerned about government relations at the expense of domestic NGOs.For example,an HIV/AIDS group leader from Henan complained that on a recent visit by UNAIDS Chief Peter Piot,no NGOs were invited to participate.75 Although she partly blames the provincial government for this 71.Available at:http://huitong.mca.gov.cn/article/zcwj/200812/20081200023777.shtml:'Beijing tightens rules on foreign funding of NGOs'.South China Morning Post.(12 March 2010):Timothy Hildebrandt,'The political economy of social organization registration in China',The China Quarterly no.208.(December 2011).pp.970-989. 72.Even INGOs are reluctant to interact with domestic groups.An environmental INGO leader said that her group avoids cooperation with domestic groups out of fear that the government might 'misunderstand'activities as threatening (Interview,Kunming,8 August 2007). 73.In some cases,goverments actually facilitate cooperation.On the rare occasions that NGOs cooperate,it is often because they are asked to do so by local government agencies in service of a limited-term project or day-long conference. 74.Mark Granovetter,'The strength of weak ties:a network theory revisited'.Sociological Theory 1.(1983),pp. 201-233:Keck and Sikkink.Activists beyond Borders. 75.Interview.Kunming.12 November 2007. 859variation supports the argument that gay groups are more divided in part because of competition over resources; lesbian groups have little to fight over and so we should rightly see less competition and probably more cooperation (mirroring what occurred among all LGBT activists before the influx of HIV/AIDS funds). The lack of dense domestic activist networks is not only due to competition over resources, but also political concerns. One common tactic for NGOs to adapt to the narrow political opportunity structure is to explicitly limit networking. Activists believe that the government disapproves of linkages and for good reason: the original 1998 regulation on social organization registration, and recent updates, contain measures designed to limit both domestic and international networking.71 Activists suggest that this fear could sour relations, making their work more difficult in the short term and hindering prospects for survival in the long term.72 Leaders of Chinese NGOs in multiple issue areas recognize that ties with other organizations should be minimized to improve or maintain their relations with governments, and sometimes avoided altogether.73 When an activist is seen as having conflicts with the state, others steer clear. They fear that being associated with a troublemaker could increase the likelihood of experiencing a similar negative state response. One of the most visible HIV/AIDS activists in China has been alienated by other NGO leaders. Because of the negative response he has received by the government (i.e. house arrest), other activists are reluctant to interact with him; his influence in the domestic NGO community has all but evaporated. Received wisdom on civil society assumes that NGOs, particularly those that share goals, are stronger when united in solidarity than when they are atomized; group linkages are also crucial for ensuring a long-term future.74 The lack of these ties can hurt activists’ ability to address pressing social problems, but also hinder efforts of sharing information and strategies that might ensure longer-term success for individual groups. It also clearly interferes with efforts at forming solidarity within and across issue areas, which is crucial for a larger civil society to thrive. Finally, because the international community must also cultivate positive relations with the Chinese government, relations with domestic activists have become further strained: activists express some concern about the tendency of INGOs to engage in work that might interfere and undercut their own work. Some activists perceive international actors as too concerned about government relations at the expense of domestic NGOs. For example, an HIV/AIDS group leader from Henan complained that on a recent visit by UNAIDS Chief Peter Piot, no NGOs were invited to participate.75 Although she partly blames the provincial government for this 71. Available at: http://huitong.mca.gov.cn/article/zcwj/200812/20081200023777.shtml; ‘Beijing tightens rules on foreign funding of NGOs’, South China Morning Post, (12 March 2010); Timothy Hildebrandt, ‘The political economy of social organization registration in China’, The China Quarterly no. 208, (December 2011), pp. 970 –989. 72. Even INGOs are reluctant to interact with domestic groups. An environmental INGO leader said that her group avoids cooperation with domestic groups out of fear that the government might ‘misunderstand’ activities as threatening (Interview, Kunming, 8 August 2007). 73. In some cases, governments actually facilitate cooperation. On the rare occasions that NGOs cooperate, it is often because they are asked to do so by local government agencies in service of a limited-term project or day-long conference. 74. Mark Granovetter, ‘The strength of weak ties: a network theory revisited’, Sociological Theory 1, (1983), pp. 201–233; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 75. Interview, Kunming, 12 November 2007. LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA 859