Journal of Contemporary China (2012),21(77),September,845-862 Routledge Development and Division:the effect of transnational linkages and local politics on LGBT activism in China TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT* Identity movements,such as those representing LGBT communities,are assumed to be highly universalized;they are often thought to be highly dependent upon international linkages in order to emerge and develop.Although the Chinese LGBT movement owes much of its development to global civil society and international donors,this article presents survey and interview data that show its linkages with the international community are not as strong as we might expect.The article shows that economics and politics of transnational activism in China are tightly intertwined.The means by which LGBT activism has developed in China has simultaneously contributed to division within its ranks and with global civil society:the nature of international funding-while from foreign sources it is funneled through the Chinese government-and local political conditions ultimately impedes the growth of stronger transnational linkages. The international Lesbian,Gay,Bisexual,and Transgender/sexual(LGBT)movement is often credited when gay and lesbian activists 'come out of the closest'in developing countries.Perhaps the fledgling LGBT activism in China might,too,be the result of strong linkages to these,and other,transnational actors.'Indicative of this,Chinese LGBT activists describe international funding as the lifeblood of their organizations; there would be no development without it.Increased accessibility to information technologies has facilitated the reach of a globalized gay movement(as fractured and atomized as it may be)to new frontiers,like China.Linkages between local and global activists are particularly apparent in shared public repertoires:Western-styled drag shows;mock gay weddings in Beijing;and an ill-fated attempt to hold the first Mr Gay China pageant. *Timothy Hildebrandt is a fellow at the US-China Institute at the University of Souther Califoria and teaches at USC's School of International Relations.His book,Social Organizations and the Authoritarian State in China (under contract at Cambridge University Press).examines the emergence of domestic NGOs.their relationship with government,and the role they play in strengthening China's authoritarian regime.The author can be reached by email at tim.hildebrandt @gmail.com. 1.Although some groups are 'LGBT'in name,few are in practice.Most represent gay men or lesbian women, which have grown apart in recent years:and bisexuals and transgender/sexuals have gone mostly unrepresented.With these qualifications in mind,I use LGBT throughout this paper as shorthand for the universe of these activists,NGOs. and citizens with the understanding that in China,as in other parts of the world,LGBT activism is rarely as representative of all identities as the acronym implies. ISSN 1067-0564 print/1469-9400 online/12/770845-18 2012 Taylor Francis http:/.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2012.684967
Development and Division: the effect of transnational linkages and local politics on LGBT activism in China TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT* Identity movements, such as those representing LGBT communities, are assumed to be highly universalized; they are often thought to be highly dependent upon international linkages in order to emerge and develop. Although the Chinese LGBT movement owes much of its development to global civil society and international donors, this article presents survey and interview data that show its linkages with the international community are not as strong as we might expect. The article shows that economics and politics of transnational activism in China are tightly intertwined. The means by which LGBT activism has developed in China has simultaneously contributed to division within its ranks and with global civil society: the nature of international funding—while from foreign sources it is funneled through the Chinese government—and local political conditions ultimately impedes the growth of stronger transnational linkages. The international Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender/sexual (LGBT) movement is often credited when gay and lesbian activists ‘come out of the closest’ in developing countries. Perhaps the fledgling LGBT activism in China might, too, be the result of strong linkages to these, and other, transnational actors.1 Indicative of this, Chinese LGBT activists describe international funding as the lifeblood of their organizations; there would be no development without it. Increased accessibility to information technologies has facilitated the reach of a globalized gay movement (as fractured and atomized as it may be) to new frontiers, like China. Linkages between local and global activists are particularly apparent in shared public repertoires: Western-styled drag shows; mock gay weddings in Beijing; and an ill-fated attempt to hold the first Mr Gay China pageant. * Timothy Hildebrandt is a fellow at the US–China Institute at the University of Southern California and teaches at USC’s School of International Relations. His book, Social Organizations and the Authoritarian State in China (under contract at Cambridge University Press), examines the emergence of domestic NGOs, their relationship with government, and the role they play in strengthening China’s authoritarian regime. The author can be reached by email at tim.hildebrandt@gmail.com. 1. Although some groups are ‘LGBT’ in name, few are in practice. Most represent gay men or lesbian women, which have grown apart in recent years; and bisexuals and transgender/sexuals have gone mostly unrepresented. With these qualifications in mind, I use LGBT throughout this paper as shorthand for the universe of these activists, NGOs, and citizens with the understanding that in China, as in other parts of the world, LGBT activism is rarely as representative of all identities as the acronym implies. Journal of Contemporary China (2012), 21(77), September, 845–862 ISSN 1067-0564 print/ 1469-9400 online/12/770845–18 q 2012 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2012.684967
TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT Nonetheless,state-society relations complicate the relationship between Chinese LGBT activists and the international community.In this article,I argue that while LGBT activists and NGOs have benefited from ties to the international community- and the funding that can accompany them-these organizations are highly dependent upon the good will of the state in allowing them to exist in the first place.As a result, activists work to preserve ties with the state even if it is at the expense of those with global civil society or other Chinese activists.I show that the nature of political opportunities granted by the government and economic opportunities provided by foreign sources negatively affects activists'ability to network.In other words,the means by which LGBT activism has developed in China has also contributed to division within its ranks and with global civil society.The above line of argument illustrates a theme of this collection of articles,that the opportunity created by international and government linkages also constrains or shapes NGOs'activities. LGBT transnational activism has received scant scholarly attention.Most work explores the globalization of gay identities,while considerably less examines the effect of domestic political conditions and transnational linkages on local gay and lesbian activism.This article aims to fill this gap in the literature.Findings are drawn from 25 in-depth anonymous interviews of gay and lesbian activists in China, conducted from June 2007 to April 2008,and a survey of nearly 50 LGBT social organization leaders administered in March 2008.3 The article proceeds as follows:the first section profiles identity and political economy explanations for why transnational linkages should exist,and outlines the boomerang model,a mechanism by which linkages might emerge.Next,I present data that show linkages are not as strong as we might expect.The third section offers reasons why ties to the international community among LGBT activists are not strong.I dissect the boomerang model,showing how it has limited application in China.I draw attention to the role that domestic political conditions play in limiting these linkages,demonstrating that strong dyadic relations with the government in China shape activists'relationships with domestic and international actors.Finally, I explore the implications of these conditions and weak linkages,highlighting how they contribute to division within the sector and affect the long-term viability of LGBT activism in China. Expectations for strong international linkages Studies of other Asian countries suggest two different ways to explain change in sexual cultures and the emergence of more public LGBT communities:anthropological (or identity)explanations and political economy rationales.*Accordingly,I offer two similar explanations for the emergence of LGBT activism in China and the role of international linkages in this development.First,there is a strong transnational 2.Scott Wilson."Introduction:Chinese NGOs-international and online linkages',Journal of Contemporary China 21(76).(July 2012). 3.Data were collected as part of a larger multi-case study on NGO-government relations in China;see Timothy Hildebrandt,Forging a Harmonious Middle Path:Chinese Social Organizations and the State.Ph.D.dissertation. University of Wisconsin-Madison.2009. 4.Dennis Altman,'Rupture or continuity?The internationalization of gay identities',Social Texr (1996) 846
Nonetheless, state –society relations complicate the relationship between Chinese LGBT activists and the international community. In this article, I argue that while LGBT activists and NGOs have benefited from ties to the international community— and the funding that can accompany them—these organizations are highly dependent upon the good will of the state in allowing them to exist in the first place. As a result, activists work to preserve ties with the state even if it is at the expense of those with global civil society or other Chinese activists. I show that the nature of political opportunities granted by the government and economic opportunities provided by foreign sources negatively affects activists’ ability to network. In other words, the means by which LGBT activism has developed in China has also contributed to division within its ranks and with global civil society. The above line of argument illustrates a theme of this collection of articles, that the opportunity created by international and government linkages also constrains or shapes NGOs’ activities.2 LGBT transnational activism has received scant scholarly attention. Most work explores the globalization of gay identities, while considerably less examines the effect of domestic political conditions and transnational linkages on local gay and lesbian activism. This article aims to fill this gap in the literature. Findings are drawn from 25 in-depth anonymous interviews of gay and lesbian activists in China, conducted from June 2007 to April 2008, and a survey of nearly 50 LGBT social organization leaders administered in March 2008.3 The article proceeds as follows: the first section profiles identity and political economy explanations for why transnational linkages should exist, and outlines the boomerang model, a mechanism by which linkages might emerge. Next, I present data that show linkages are not as strong as we might expect. The third section offers reasons why ties to the international community among LGBT activists are not strong. I dissect the boomerang model, showing how it has limited application in China. I draw attention to the role that domestic political conditions play in limiting these linkages, demonstrating that strong dyadic relations with the government in China shape activists’ relationships with domestic and international actors. Finally, I explore the implications of these conditions and weak linkages, highlighting how they contribute to division within the sector and affect the long-term viability of LGBT activism in China. Expectations for strong international linkages Studies of other Asian countries suggest two different ways to explain change in sexual cultures and the emergence of more public LGBT communities: anthropological (or identity) explanations and political economy rationales.4 Accordingly, I offer two similar explanations for the emergence of LGBT activism in China and the role of international linkages in this development. First, there is a strong transnational 2. Scott Wilson, ‘Introduction: Chinese NGOs—international and online linkages’, Journal of Contemporary China 21(76), (July 2012). 3. Data were collected as part of a larger multi-case study on NGO–government relations in China; see Timothy Hildebrandt, Forging a Harmonious Middle Path: Chinese Social Organizations and the State, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2009. 4. Dennis Altman, ‘Rupture or continuity? The internationalization of gay identities’, Social Text (1996). TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT 846
LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA element to modern notions of a homosexual identity.Same-sex sexuality has transcended its own cultural and historical roots to become universalized'.Being gay in China involves crossing both cultural and national boundaries;transcending local identities is necessary for owning a global gay identity.'The inherent universality of homosexuality should make a Chinese LGBT movement ripe for boasting strong ties to the international community. The construction of this universal identity is facilitated by economic development and globalization.Advances in information technology expand knowledge and understanding of non-traditional sexual practices.As China increases its interaction with the international community,locals have had more opportunities to explore same-sex identities.Early ties with the global lesbian activist community were made during the 1995 United Nations World Women's Conference in Beijing.The presence of foreign gays and lesbians in large cities(e.g.expatriate businesspeople and foreign students)plays a key role as well,leading Rofel to conclude that,'the transnational quality of gayness in China is both visible and visceral'.Because the globalization of a gay identity is contingent upon increased physical-and informational-linkages between LGBT persons,an identity explanation is closely tied to a political economy one. Transnational networks usually emerge from a combination of new pressing problems around which actors coalesce,and related opportunities that facilitate such convergence.Activist organizations in the global south have generally increased in number and size due to funding from foreign government aid agencies,inter- governmental programs,and private foundations.0 Thus,transnational LGBT activism might grow in China due to the political and economic opportunities made available to combat the growing HIV/AIDS problem.This public health crisis has opened political space for activists worldwide and facilitated increased interaction with the international community (usually as a donor-recipient relationship).In developing countries hit by the crisis,private donors (e.g.the Gates and Clinton foundations),international organizations(e.g.the Global Fund),and foreign govern- ment aid agencies (e.g.DFID and USAID),have identified the importance of civil society organizations in implementing AlDS education programs.Because the gay population has been traditionally difficult to reach (like other HIV/AIDS high-risk groups),LGBT activists and organizations have received funds and training to serve this group.Moreover,activists are commonly invited to participate in national, regional,and global conferences.These interactions make the situation generally favorable for strong bonds between LGBT activists and the international community.11 5.Carl F.Stychin.'Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse'.McGill Law Journal 49.(2004).p.954. 6.Lisa Rofel,'Qualities of desire:imagining gay identities in China',GLO:A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies5(4).(1999),p.458. 7.However,Altman suggests that becoming part of a global community need not require denying other identities such as race and nationality:see Dennis Altman.'Global gaze/global gays',GLO:A Joumal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 3.(1997),p.424.This is particularly important in China where citizens can be fiercely nationalistic. 8.bid,p.429. 9.Rofel,'Qualities of desire',p.452. 10.Rita Jalali.'International funding of NGOs in India:bringing the state back in',Voluntas 19.(2008).p.163 11.Dennis Altman.'Sexuality and globalization',Sexuality Research Social Policy 1.(2004).pp.63-68. 847
element to modern notions of a homosexual identity. Same-sex sexuality has ‘transcended its own cultural and historical roots to become universalized’.5Being gay in China involves crossing both cultural and national boundaries;6 transcending local identities is necessary for owning a global gay identity.7 The inherent universality of homosexuality should make a Chinese LGBT movement ripe for boasting strong ties to the international community. The construction of this universal identity is facilitated by economic development and globalization. Advances in information technology expand knowledge and understanding of non-traditional sexual practices.8 As China increases its interaction with the international community, locals have had more opportunities to explore same-sex identities. Early ties with the global lesbian activist community were made during the 1995 United Nations World Women’s Conference in Beijing. The presence of foreign gays and lesbians in large cities (e.g. expatriate businesspeople and foreign students) plays a key role as well, leading Rofel to conclude that, ‘the transnational quality of gayness in China is both visible and visceral’.9 Because the globalization of a gay identity is contingent upon increased physical—and informational—linkages between LGBT persons, an identity explanation is closely tied to a political economy one. Transnational networks usually emerge from a combination of new pressing problems around which actors coalesce, and related opportunities that facilitate such convergence. Activist organizations in the global south have generally increased in number and size due to funding from foreign government aid agencies, intergovernmental programs, and private foundations.10 Thus, transnational LGBT activism might grow in China due to the political and economic opportunities made available to combat the growing HIV/AIDS problem. This public health crisis has opened political space for activists worldwide and facilitated increased interaction with the international community (usually as a donor– recipient relationship). In developing countries hit by the crisis, private donors (e.g. the Gates and Clinton foundations), international organizations (e.g. the Global Fund), and foreign government aid agencies (e.g. DFID and USAID), have identified the importance of civil society organizations in implementing AIDS education programs. Because the gay population has been traditionally difficult to reach (like other HIV/AIDS high-risk groups), LGBT activists and organizations have received funds and training to serve this group. Moreover, activists are commonly invited to participate in national, regional, and global conferences. These interactions make the situation generally favorable for strong bonds between LGBT activists and the international community.11 5. Carl F. Stychin, ‘Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse’, McGill Law Journal 49, (2004), p. 954. 6. Lisa Rofel, ‘Qualities of desire: imagining gay identities in China’, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 5(4), (1999), p. 458. 7. However, Altman suggests that becoming part of a global community need not require denying other identities such as race and nationality; see Dennis Altman, ‘Global gaze/global gays’, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 3, (1997), p. 424. This is particularly important in China where citizens can be fiercely nationalistic. 8. Ibid., p. 429. 9. Rofel, ‘Qualities of desire’, p. 452. 10. Rita Jalali, ‘International funding of NGOs in India: bringing the state back in’, Voluntas 19, (2008), p. 163. 11. Dennis Altman, ‘Sexuality and globalization’, Sexuality Research & Social Policy 1, (2004), pp. 63–68. LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA 847
TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT Early efforts to build a truly global gay movement were forestalled by simple economic and logistical concerns:LGBT activists in the developing world often could not afford the expense of participating in events or were unable to obtain necessary travel documents from their home country or the host government,2 but increased access to the Internet should hasten transnational activism.3 Indeed,the proliferation of Internet-based activism has assuaged some of these concerns, allowing a low-cost means to increase and strengthen ties,a point raised in the introduction to this collection of articles.4 Because the Chinese government remains politically closed and often unresponsive to the demands of society,the presence and effect of transnational LGBT activism might be best explained by the literature on transnational advocacy networks (TANs),'strategically linked activities in which members of a diffuse principled network developed explicit,visible ties and mutually recognized roles in pursuit of a common goal'.15 International activists focused on identity are commonly discussed in the TAN literature:6 and lesbian and gay activism is often considered one of the quintessential identity movements.7 The process by which TANs achieve their goals is explained by the 'boomerang model':when domestic civil society groups are blocked by a closed,unresponsive state,they can develop and draw on ties to global civil society,which,in turn,will lobby other states or international organizations to put pressure on the closed state,thus completing the boomerang effect.The boomerang model is said to be well suited for advocating for the rights of marginalized populations in countries where the state does not address their concerns.Thus,we might expect that Chinese LGBT activists would use TANs to meet their goals.Since gays and lesbians have a shared identity that crosses national boundaries,this should make the TAN more successful. Although there is little empirical evidence to support the use of TANs in strengthening the rights of gays and lesbians in closed polities,Stychin recounts one success story:a Romanian NGO in the mid-1990s linked with other European gay groups and received funding from the Dutch government in its effort to repeal anti- gay criminal laws.20 The TAN compelled European countries,and the EU,to pressure Romania by making its admission into the Council of Europe contingent upon shedding these laws.This case might provide reason to be hopeful that LGBT activists in China can use international linkages and throw a boomerang of their own to affect policy change. 12.Martin F.Manalansan,'In the shadows of Stonewall:examining gay transnational politics and the diasporic dilemma'.GLO:A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 2,(1995).p.429. 13.Michele M.Betsill and Harriet Bulkeley.'Transnational networks and global environmental governance:the cities for climate protection program'.Interational Studies Ouarterly 48.(2004),p.475. 14.Wilson.'Introduction'. 15.Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink.Activists beyond Borders (Ithaca.NY:Corell University Press, 1998).D.6. 16.Betsill and Bulkeley.Transnational networks and global environmental governance';Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 17.Alberto Melucci,Nomads of the Present (London:Hutchinson Radius,1989). 18.Keck and Sikkink,Activists beyond Borders. 19.J.Brecher,T.Costello and B.Smith,Globalization from Below:The Power of Solidariry (Cambridge:South End Press,2002):Keck and Sikkink,Activists beyond Borders. 20.Stychin,'Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse',p.961 848
Early efforts to build a truly global gay movement were forestalled by simple economic and logistical concerns: LGBT activists in the developing world often could not afford the expense of participating in events or were unable to obtain necessary travel documents from their home country or the host government,12 but increased access to the Internet should hasten transnational activism.13 Indeed, the proliferation of Internet-based activism has assuaged some of these concerns, allowing a low-cost means to increase and strengthen ties, a point raised in the introduction to this collection of articles.14 Because the Chinese government remains politically closed and often unresponsive to the demands of society, the presence and effect of transnational LGBT activism might be best explained by the literature on transnational advocacy networks (TANs), ‘strategically linked activities in which members of a diffuse principled network developed explicit, visible ties and mutually recognized roles in pursuit of a common goal’.15 International activists focused on identity are commonly discussed in the TAN literature;16 and lesbian and gay activism is often considered one of the quintessential identity movements.17 The process by which TANs achieve their goals is explained by the ‘boomerang model’: when domestic civil society groups are blocked by a closed, unresponsive state, they can develop and draw on ties to global civil society, which, in turn, will lobby other states or international organizations to put pressure on the closed state, thus completing the boomerang effect.18 The boomerang model is said to be well suited for advocating for the rights of marginalized populations in countries where the state does not address their concerns.19 Thus, we might expect that Chinese LGBT activists would use TANs to meet their goals. Since gays and lesbians have a shared identity that crosses national boundaries, this should make the TAN more successful. Although there is little empirical evidence to support the use of TANs in strengthening the rights of gays and lesbians in closed polities, Stychin recounts one success story: a Romanian NGO in the mid-1990s linked with other European gay groups and received funding from the Dutch government in its effort to repeal antigay criminal laws.20 The TAN compelled European countries, and the EU, to pressure Romania by making its admission into the Council of Europe contingent upon shedding these laws. This case might provide reason to be hopeful that LGBT activists in China can use international linkages and throw a boomerang of their own to affect policy change. 12. Martin F. Manalansan, ‘In the shadows of Stonewall: examining gay transnational politics and the diasporic dilemma’, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 2, (1995), p. 429. 13. Michele M. Betsill and Harriet Bulkeley, ‘Transnational networks and global environmental governance: the cities for climate protection program’, International Studies Quarterly 48, (2004), p. 475. 14. Wilson, ‘Introduction’. 15. Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 6. 16. Betsill and Bulkeley, ‘Transnational networks and global environmental governance’; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 17. Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present (London: Hutchinson Radius, 1989). 18. Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 19. J. Brecher, T. Costello and B. Smith, Globalization from Below: The Power of Solidarity (Cambridge: South End Press, 2002); Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 20. Stychin, ‘Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse’, p. 961. TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT 848
LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA Data on international ties among LGBT activists Political economy explanations suggest transnational linkages will emerge,in part, because of funds that flow from foreign donors to local activists.Like other NGOs in China,LGBT organizations,in general,enjoy high levels of international funding; leaders acknowledge that they would be unlikely to exist were it not for the financial support of international sources (almost all of which is designated for HIV/AIDS prevention efforts);but,this has not translated into strong ties with global civil society. In the survey,almost every LGBT NGO reported receiving at least some financial support from international sources (foreign governments,multinational corporations, or private foundations).Moreover,nearly 17%of gay groups reported that at least 65% of their budget came from these sources;lesbian organizations boasted slightly higher levels.For gay groups,these figures probably underestimate the actual proportion of operating funds drawn from international sources because many (53%)also report receiving monies from the Chinese government.21 In these cases,funds usually originate from foreign sources but are filtered through government agencies in Beijing and at local levels.If recipients are not fully aware of the source of financial support, bonds between the international community and activists presumed to develop naturally from funding relationships may not be as strong as expected. Quantitatively measuring the strength or weakness of these linkages is difficult and imprecise.However,to uncover general patterns,the survey asked a series of questions about an organization's interactions with international NGOs (INGOs). Gay organizations reported infrequent interaction with international groups.Nearly a third had either no or only rare interaction with INGOs;the modal response was 'once a year'given by 44%of groups.Nearly all of the lesbian groups reported rare or no interaction.For the sake of comparison,among environmental groups that responded to the survey,only 15%reported that they 'rarely'or 'never'interacted with INGOs, while HIV/AIDS organizations had a slightly higher 19%. Relying solely on quantitative measures risks obscuring a more complex truth about the relationship of LGBT activists in China and the intemational community. Interviews with activists reveal tension,competition,and distrust of global civil society. Many express open distaste for these groups,who sometimes 'act like big brothers rather than colleagues'.Representative of many activists interviewed,an NGO leader in Beijing grew agitated when recounting the story of an INGO that'tried to tell us what to do'without having 'proper understanding of the situation'.These groups attempt to control NGOs and,he notes,'even the government!'.Although he would rather 'go it alone',he has no choice but to continue limited interaction with INGOs;his funding depends upon cultivating ties with international groups,not severing them.22 Explanations for weak international linkages There are at least two compelling explanations for infrequent interaction and weak ties with global civil society.Although some predict LGBT activists will maintain strong 21.It is notable(although not surprising.given the HIV/AIDS focus of support)that no lesbian organizations reported receiving funds from the government.I discuss the implications of this in the final section of the article. 22.Interview.Beijing,18 December 2007. 849
Data on international ties among LGBT activists Political economy explanations suggest transnational linkages will emerge, in part, because of funds that flow from foreign donors to local activists. Like other NGOs in China, LGBT organizations, in general, enjoy high levels of international funding; leaders acknowledge that they would be unlikely to exist were it not for the financial support of international sources (almost all of which is designated for HIV/AIDS prevention efforts); but, this has not translated into strong ties with global civil society. In the survey, almost every LGBT NGO reported receiving at least some financial support from international sources (foreign governments, multinational corporations, or private foundations). Moreover, nearly 17% of gay groups reported that at least 65% of their budget came from these sources; lesbian organizations boasted slightly higher levels. For gay groups, these figures probably underestimate the actual proportion of operating funds drawn from international sources because many (53%) also report receiving monies from the Chinese government.21 In these cases, funds usually originate from foreign sources but are filtered through government agencies in Beijing and at local levels. If recipients are not fully aware of the source of financial support, bonds between the international community and activists presumed to develop naturally from funding relationships may not be as strong as expected. Quantitatively measuring the strength or weakness of these linkages is difficult and imprecise. However, to uncover general patterns, the survey asked a series of questions about an organization’s interactions with international NGOs (INGOs). Gay organizations reported infrequent interaction with international groups. Nearly a third had either no or only rare interaction with INGOs; the modal response was ‘once a year’ given by 44% of groups. Nearly all of the lesbian groups reported rare or no interaction. For the sake of comparison, among environmental groups that responded to the survey, only 15% reported that they ‘rarely’ or ‘never’ interacted with INGOs, while HIV/AIDS organizations had a slightly higher 19%. Relying solely on quantitative measures risks obscuring a more complex truth about the relationship of LGBT activists in China and the international community. Interviews with activists reveal tension, competition, and distrust of global civil society. Many express open distaste for these groups, who sometimes ‘act like big brothers rather than colleagues’. Representative of many activists interviewed, an NGO leader in Beijing grew agitated when recounting the story of an INGO that ‘tried to tell us what to do’ without having ‘proper understanding of the situation’. These groups attempt to control NGOs and, he notes, ‘even the government!’. Although he would rather ‘go it alone’, he has no choice but to continue limited interaction with INGOs; his funding depends upon cultivating ties with international groups, not severing them.22 Explanations for weak international linkages There are at least two compelling explanations for infrequent interaction and weak ties with global civil society. Although some predict LGBT activists will maintain strong 21. It is notable (although not surprising, given the HIV/AIDS focus of support) that no lesbian organizations reported receiving funds from the government. I discuss the implications of this in the final section of the article. 22. Interview, Beijing, 18 December 2007. LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA 849
TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT ties with the international community because of the unifying power of a globalized notion of what it means to be gay,others contend that discussions of identity should actually lead us to expect minimal or strained ties.This argument accepts a universalized gay identity,but suggests that it ignores important idiosyncrasies for LGBT people across cultural contexts.In his studies of Asia,Altman argues that a common gay identity makes it difficult for local LGBTs to assert an authentically'gay Asian'identity.23 For some,international gay activism can behegemonic'and 'neo- colonialist'in that success and political consciousness for all LGBT people is contingent upon 'swallowing this universalized gay identity whole',irrespective of local context.4Moreover,in creating this universalized gay identity,activists tend to rely on language that,while supposedly globalized,is overly simplistic and reflective of its European and American forebears. This globalized identity can have practical implications for LGBT activism.Issues pertinent to the international gay and lesbian movement(usually defined by activists in the US and Western Europe)can seem out of touch to activists elsewhere;what works to promote gay and lesbian rights in one context can fall flat in others.Tan contends that 'global queering'has the power to define gay and lesbian rights in ways that are culturally inappropriate and improbable for many,'mainly as gay marriages'26 Chinese activists are generally disinterested in same-sex marriage,placing it relatively low on the list of priorities for their organizations.They desire more fundamental 'gay rights'such as eliminating employment discrimination and diminishing family pressures.27 The global gay identity's inattention to important cultural nuance has been noted elsewhere.Gay Filipinos object to the preoccupation of 'coming out' among LGBT people elsewhere for a very practical reason:visibility is dangerous. Public spaces are 'not the place for pride',but for shame and degradation.28 Transnational ties that flow from this universalized identity do not always have a positive effect on local LGBT activists.Massad shows that in using universal understandings and frames in the Arab world,LGBT activists can actually provoke the promulgation of repressive policies.By bringing previously ignored discussion of sexuality into the open,political leaders have created new policies that codify archaic anti-gay attitudes. In sum,a globalized gay identity runs the risk of ignoring what is necessary for LGBTs in one context in favor of what is assumed best for those across all contexts. 23.Altman.'Global gaze/global gays',p.418.Altman also argues that the 'AIDS industry'has created a globalized perception of what it means to be a gay man(Altman,'Rupture or continuity?). 24.Stychin,'Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse',p.958. 25.Manalansan,'In the shadows of Stonewall',p.27.This identity also relies on a common language:English. Therefore,bonds between local and global activists are usually restricted to a small subset of the population who understand English.This link between common identity and common language can further limit opportunities for many local activists because most donors still require applications to be completed in English.Rob Efird.'Leaming the land beneath our feet:NGO"local learning materials"and environmental education in Yunnan Province',Journal of Contemporary China 21(76).(2012).makes a similar point about the tension between interational understandings of environmental education and local Chinese receptivity to such pedagogies. 26.Michael Tan,'A response to Altman',Australian Humanities Review,(July 1996). 27.Timothy Hildebrandt,'Same-sex marriage in China?The strategic promulgation of a progressive policy and its impact on LGBT activism',Review of International Studies 37,(2011),pp.1313-1333. 28.Manalansan,'In the shadows of Stonewall',pp.434-435. 29.J.Massad,'Re-orienting desire:the gay intemational and the Arab world',Public Cult 14(2),(2002). pp.361-385. 850
ties with the international community because of the unifying power of a globalized notion of what it means to be gay, others contend that discussions of identity should actually lead us to expect minimal or strained ties. This argument accepts a universalized gay identity, but suggests that it ignores important idiosyncrasies for LGBT people across cultural contexts. In his studies of Asia, Altman argues that a common gay identity makes it difficult for local LGBTs to assert an authentically ‘gay Asian’ identity.23 For some, international gay activism can be ‘hegemonic’ and ‘neocolonialist’ in that success and political consciousness for all LGBT people is contingent upon ‘swallowing this universalized gay identity whole’, irrespective of local context.24 Moreover, in creating this universalized gay identity, activists tend to rely on language that, while supposedly globalized, is overly simplistic and reflective of its European and American forebears.25 This globalized identity can have practical implications for LGBT activism. Issues pertinent to the international gay and lesbian movement (usually defined by activists in the US and Western Europe) can seem out of touch to activists elsewhere; what works to promote gay and lesbian rights in one context can fall flat in others. Tan contends that ‘global queering’ has the power to define gay and lesbian rights in ways that are culturally inappropriate and improbable for many, ‘mainly as gay marriages’.26 Chinese activists are generally disinterested in same-sex marriage, placing it relatively low on the list of priorities for their organizations. They desire more fundamental ‘gay rights’ such as eliminating employment discrimination and diminishing family pressures.27 The global gay identity’s inattention to important cultural nuance has been noted elsewhere. Gay Filipinos object to the preoccupation of ‘coming out’ among LGBT people elsewhere for a very practical reason: visibility is dangerous. Public spaces are ‘not the place for pride’, but for shame and degradation.28 Transnational ties that flow from this universalized identity do not always have a positive effect on local LGBT activists. Massad shows that in using universal understandings and frames in the Arab world, LGBT activists can actually provoke the promulgation of repressive policies.29 By bringing previously ignored discussion of sexuality into the open, political leaders have created new policies that codify archaic anti-gay attitudes. In sum, a globalized gay identity runs the risk of ignoring what is necessary for LGBTs in one context in favor of what is assumed best for those across all contexts. 23. Altman, ‘Global gaze/global gays’, p. 418. Altman also argues that the ‘AIDS industry’ has created a globalized perception of what it means to be a gay man (Altman, ‘Rupture or continuity?’). 24. Stychin, ‘Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse’, p. 958. 25. Manalansan, ‘In the shadows of Stonewall’, p. 27. This identity also relies on a common language: English. Therefore, bonds between local and global activists are usually restricted to a small subset of the population who understand English. This link between common identity and common language can further limit opportunities for many local activists because most donors still require applications to be completed in English. Rob Efird, ‘Learning the land beneath our feet: NGO “local learning materials” and environmental education in Yunnan Province’, Journal of Contemporary China 21(76), (2012), makes a similar point about the tension between international understandings of environmental education and local Chinese receptivity to such pedagogies. 26. Michael Tan, ‘A response to Altman’, Australian Humanities Review, (July 1996). 27. Timothy Hildebrandt, ‘Same-sex marriage in China? The strategic promulgation of a progressive policy and its impact on LGBT activism’, Review of International Studies 37, (2011), pp. 1313–1333. 28. Manalansan, ‘In the shadows of Stonewall’, pp. 434 –435. 29. J. Massad, ‘Re-orienting desire: the gay international and the Arab world’, Public Cult 14(2), (2002), pp. 361 –385. TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT 850
LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA What it means to be 'gay Asian'or 'gay Chinese'-and the unique problems they face-is lost with a common identity.This discontinuity contributes to divisions and sometimes creates animosity:Chinese activists have frequently noted that the international community 'does not always know what is best for them'.Domestic activists recognize the uniqueness of their situations and understand the best tactics to employ and relationships to build. The political economy of LGBT activism in China Given that domestic context may change the way the LGBT activists work,political economy of activism-how activists secure political opportunities and obtain funding-is a more powerful explanation for weak international ties.It is first necessary to explain what allows activists and their organizations to exist.That we can speak of LGBT activism in China at all is owed to three key factors:policy changes have effectively legalized homosexuality;economic development has brought LGBT people together in urban centers,providing the chance for an aggregation of interests;and the growing problem of HIV/AIDS in China-combined with the government's interest in controlling its spread-gives LGBT groups the opportunity to provide an important public service. A key political opportunity allowing LGBT activism to emerge in China is the legalization of homosexuality.30 Although 1997 is commonly cited as the year the government 'decriminalized'homosexuality,this is a simplistic and somewhat misleading characterization of a more complex history.Homosexuality has not been explicitly illegal since the founding of the PRC.In 1957,the Supreme Court ruled that consensual sex between same-sex adults was not criminal.3!However,homosexual men were still arrested by police under Article 106 of the Chinese Criminal Code prohibiting general hooliganism',punishable by up to seven years'imprisonment.32 In 1993,the Ministry of Public Safety made some efforts to protect the rights of gay men and women by reiterating the 1957 ruling,but it was not until 1997 that hooliganism'was deleted from the criminal code.33 China's economic development has created conditions necessary for Chinese LGBT activism.Scholars have pointed to a positive relationship between capitalism and increasingly public homosexuality.Altman identifies a strong connection between the 'expansion of consumer society and the growth of overt lesbian/gay worlds'in Asia.35'In China,this is observable in at least two ways.First,economic growth in coastal areas has offered gays and lesbians the opportunity to leave their hometowns 30.Wilson."Introduction'.Scott Wilson,'Seeking one's day in court:Chinese regime responsiveness to international legal norms on AlDS carriers'and pollution victims'rights'.Joural of Contemporary China 21(77). (2012),notes that legislation can create political opportunities for NGOs and activists. 31.Beichuan Zhang and Quansheng Chu,'MSM and HIV/AIDS in China'.Cell Research 15(11-12),(2005), Pp.858-864. 32.Fangfu Ruan,Sex in China:Studies in Sexology in Chinese Culture (New York:Plenum,1991). 33.A Sichuan activist noted that although it took 50 years to legalize homosexual sex.China was five years ahead of the United States,referencing the 2003 US Supreme Court decision in Lawrence v.Texas ruling anti-sodomy laws unconstitutional.Still,the government has not promulgated policies that explicitly protect gays and lesbians. 34.John D'Emilio,'Capitalism and gay identity'.in A.Snitow,C.Stansell and S.Thompson,eds,Powers of Desire:The Politics of Sexualiry (New York:The Monthly Review Press,1983). 35.Altman,Rupture or continuity?". 851
What it means to be ‘gay Asian’ or ‘gay Chinese’—and the unique problems they face—is lost with a common identity. This discontinuity contributes to divisions and sometimes creates animosity: Chinese activists have frequently noted that the international community ‘does not always know what is best for them’. Domestic activists recognize the uniqueness of their situations and understand the best tactics to employ and relationships to build. The political economy of LGBT activism in China Given that domestic context may change the way the LGBT activists work, political economy of activism—how activists secure political opportunities and obtain funding—is a more powerful explanation for weak international ties. It is first necessary to explain what allows activists and their organizations to exist. That we can speak of LGBT activism in China at all is owed to three key factors: policy changes have effectively legalized homosexuality; economic development has brought LGBT people together in urban centers, providing the chance for an aggregation of interests; and the growing problem of HIV/AIDS in China—combined with the government’s interest in controlling its spread—gives LGBT groups the opportunity to provide an important public service. A key political opportunity allowing LGBT activism to emerge in China is the legalization of homosexuality.30 Although 1997 is commonly cited as the year the government ‘decriminalized’ homosexuality, this is a simplistic and somewhat misleading characterization of a more complex history. Homosexuality has not been explicitly illegal since the founding of the PRC. In 1957, the Supreme Court ruled that consensual sex between same-sex adults was not criminal.31 However, homosexual men were still arrested by police under Article 106 of the Chinese Criminal Code prohibiting general ‘hooliganism’, punishable by up to seven years’ imprisonment.32 In 1993, the Ministry of Public Safety made some efforts to protect the rights of gay men and women by reiterating the 1957 ruling, but it was not until 1997 that ‘hooliganism’ was deleted from the criminal code.33 China’s economic development has created conditions necessary for Chinese LGBT activism. Scholars have pointed to a positive relationship between capitalism and increasingly public homosexuality.34 Altman identifies a strong connection between the ‘expansion of consumer society and the growth of overt lesbian/gay worlds’ in Asia.35 In China, this is observable in at least two ways. First, economic growth in coastal areas has offered gays and lesbians the opportunity to leave their hometowns 30. Wilson, ‘Introduction’, Scott Wilson, ‘Seeking one’s day in court: Chinese regime responsiveness to international legal norms on AIDS carriers’ and pollution victims’ rights’, Journal of Contemporary China 21(77), (2012), notes that legislation can create political opportunities for NGOs and activists. 31. Beichuan Zhang and Quansheng Chu, ‘MSM and HIV/AIDS in China’, Cell Research 15(11– 12), (2005), pp. 858 –864. 32. Fangfu Ruan, Sex in China: Studies in Sexology in Chinese Culture (New York: Plenum, 1991). 33. A Sichuan activist noted that although it took 50 years to legalize homosexual sex, China was five years ahead of the United States, referencing the 2003 US Supreme Court decision in Lawrence v. Texas ruling anti-sodomy laws unconstitutional. Still, the government has not promulgated policies that explicitly protect gays and lesbians. 34. John D’Emilio, ‘Capitalism and gay identity’, in A. Snitow, C. Stansell and S. Thompson, eds, Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality (New York: The Monthly Review Press, 1983). 35. Altman, ‘Rupture or continuity?’. LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA 851
TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT and move to urban centers,which are often more accepting of homosexuality and usually boast established LGBT communities.36 Second,advances in information technology have increased the ability for previously disparate gays and lesbians to network.A pager hotline was created in 1997 to disseminate information about social activities for gays and lesbians in Beijing.Free telephone hotlines were later established to service these populations.37 Today,Internet-based communities are particularly crucial for gays and lesbians who live in smaller towns.Thus,economic development has provided an important opportunity to 'come out'and the means to coalesce as a community. The most important factor in the emergence of LGBT activism in China has been the outbreak,spread,and subsequent government interest in HIV/AIDS.38 This public health crisis remains one of the most powerful explanatory variables for the rise of LGBT groups worldwide.39 As an unintended byproduct of economic development (and the increased movement of people within China and across its national boundaries)HIV reached all 31 provinces by 1998.40 Seven years later,an estimated 650,000 people were living with HIV and 75,000 with AIDS;70,000 new infections and 25,000 AIDS-related deaths occurred in 2005 alone.By 2005,44%of total HIV/AIDS cases were spread sexually:20%from commercial sex workers,17% from different-sex partners of infected individuals,and 7%homosexual male sex. 1 Government action on HIV/AIDS has been sluggish,but in recent years policies have increased in number and improved in substance.As early as 1989,Beijing passed policies designed to combat the emerging problem of HIV/AIDS through education and awareness campaigns.A decade later,these policies were finally backed by significant funding.In 1996,AIDS-related funds in the government were just over US$500,000. By 2000,the figure had increased three times,and reached nearly US$10 million annually in 2001.The state's first powerful and coordinated effort to combat the crisis came in 2006 when the central government issued the Five-Year Plan to Control HIV/ AIDS.42 Two years later,a three-year program was announced,increasing funding and coordination for 'education and community mobilization'to prevent HIV/AIDS.Gay men have been a key focus for these efforts.On 30 November 2006,the Ministry of Health pledged to send AIDS prevention volunteers to gay groups and included gay men in the Five-Year Plan.By 2008,the government had launched the first national program devoted to tackling the spread of the virus exclusively among gay men. These policies affect LGBT activism in two ways:first,they give activists a signal that these are areas in which they can conduct activities;second,because the central 36.Lax enforcement of the hukou(residency permit)system contributes to the ease of movement of rural residents into urban areas.See Kam Wing Chan,The Chinese hukou system at 50',Eurasian Geography and Economic350,(2009),pp.197-221. 37.Xiaoping He,Chinese queer women organizing in the 1990s',in Ping Chun Hsiung.Maria Jaschok and Cecilia Milwertz,eds,Chinese Women Organizing (New York:Berg,2001). 38.Wilson,"Introduction',discusses the way in which natural and public health disasters can create political opportunities for NGOs in China. 39.Altman,'Global gaze/global gays',p.425. 40.Zunyou Wu,Kenming Rou and Haixia Cai,'The HIV/AIDS epidemic in China:history,current strategies and future challenges'.AIDS Education and Prevention 16(Supp.A),(2004).pp.7-17. 41.Ministry of Health PRC,2005 Update on the HIV/AIDS Epidemic Response in China,Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS,World Health Organization (2006). 42.Wu et al..'The HIV/AIDS epidemic in China'. 852
and move to urban centers, which are often more accepting of homosexuality and usually boast established LGBT communities.36 Second, advances in information technology have increased the ability for previously disparate gays and lesbians to network. A pager hotline was created in 1997 to disseminate information about social activities for gays and lesbians in Beijing. Free telephone hotlines were later established to service these populations.37 Today, Internet-based communities are particularly crucial for gays and lesbians who live in smaller towns. Thus, economic development has provided an important opportunity to ‘come out’ and the means to coalesce as a community. The most important factor in the emergence of LGBT activism in China has been the outbreak, spread, and subsequent government interest in HIV/AIDS.38 This public health crisis remains one of the most powerful explanatory variables for the rise of LGBT groups worldwide.39 As an unintended byproduct of economic development (and the increased movement of people within China and across its national boundaries) HIV reached all 31 provinces by 1998.40 Seven years later, an estimated 650,000 people were living with HIV and 75,000 with AIDS; 70,000 new infections and 25,000 AIDS-related deaths occurred in 2005 alone. By 2005, 44% of total HIV/AIDS cases were spread sexually: 20% from commercial sex workers, 17% from different-sex partners of infected individuals, and 7% homosexual male sex.41 Government action on HIV/AIDS has been sluggish, but in recent years policies have increased in number and improved in substance. As early as 1989, Beijing passed policies designed to combat the emerging problem of HIV/AIDS through education and awareness campaigns. A decade later, these policies were finally backed by significant funding. In 1996, AIDS-related funds in the government were just over US$500,000. By 2000, the figure had increased three times, and reached nearly US$10 million annually in 2001. The state’s first powerful and coordinated effort to combat the crisis came in 2006 when the central government issued the Five-Year Plan to Control HIV/ AIDS.42 Two years later, a three-year program was announced, increasing funding and coordination for ‘education and community mobilization’ to prevent HIV/AIDS. Gay men have been a key focus for these efforts. On 30 November 2006, the Ministry of Health pledged to send AIDS prevention volunteers to gay groups and included gay men in the Five-Year Plan. By 2008, the government had launched the first national program devoted to tackling the spread of the virus exclusively among gay men. These policies affect LGBT activism in two ways: first, they give activists a signal that these are areas in which they can conduct activities; second, because the central 36. Lax enforcement of the hukou (residency permit) system contributes to the ease of movement of rural residents into urban areas. See Kam Wing Chan, ‘The Chinese hukou system at 50’, Eurasian Geography and Economics 50, (2009), pp. 197 –221. 37. Xiaoping He, ‘Chinese queer women organizing in the 1990s’, in Ping Chun Hsiung, Maria Jaschok and Cecilia Milwertz, eds, Chinese Women Organizing (New York: Berg, 2001). 38. Wilson, ‘Introduction’, discusses the way in which natural and public health disasters can create political opportunities for NGOs in China. 39. Altman, ‘Global gaze/global gays’, p. 425. 40. Zunyou Wu, Kenming Rou and Haixia Cai, ‘The HIV/AIDS epidemic in China: history, current strategies and future challenges’, AIDS Education and Prevention 16(Supp. A), (2004), pp. 7–17. 41. Ministry of Health PRC, 2005 Update on the HIV/AIDS Epidemic Response in China, Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, World Health Organization (2006). 42. Wu et al., ‘The HIV/AIDS epidemic in China’. TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT 852
LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA government has downsized its apparatus and given responsibility for policy implementation to local governments (and since these governments often lack the capability and political will to follow through)social organizations are needed to ensure implementation. The importance of HIV/AIDS in explaining the presence of LGBT activists should not be understated.Chinese NGOs in most issue areas emerge and flourish only insofar as their activities complement government interests.3 Gay groups are granted political space to the extent that they help tackle the growing HIV/AIDS crisis, reaching high-risk groups that the government cannot.44 Activists use public health' frames,casting their activities almost exclusively in terms of how they can help combat HIV/AIDS.These groups 'must be loud about AIDS but quiet about other issues'in order to enjoy the most political space.45 Because the central government has devolved policy implementation responsi- bility to local officials,opportunities for LGBT groups to provide services are highly dependent upon local government preferences,which can vary significantly Activists must work to maintain good relations with these officials and avoid any activities perceived as contrary to their interests.46 If a local government is not interested in HIV/AIDS,for example,political opportunities for LGBT groups will not be as plentiful.Activists believe that the political space for gay and lesbian work is greater in southern provinces like Yunnan and Sichuan than others,largely because of their distance from the more politically closed Beijing.47 Although Yunnan NGO leaders report generally positive relations with local governments,Yunnan provincial officials are seen as close-minded compared to those in other areas.Yunnan activists offer Sichuan as an example of 'real openness'. An activist was in awe of the province,declaring it China's'gay heaven'48 Sichuan's political opportunities for gay and lesbian groups are more than just legend.Leaders of Sichuan gay organizations speak glowingly of political openness,as well as minimal cultural and social pressures against LGBTs. While some leaders in Sichuan explain the unusually good environment by citing the province's long history of being 'open and friendly to outsiders',49 a 43.Hildebrandt,Forging a Harmonious Middle Path. 44.Jon Cohen,'A new treatment campaign,but with limited weapons',Science 304,(2004).pp.1433-1434. 45.Interview,Kunming,27 November 2007. 46.Hildebrandt,Forging a Harmonious Middle Path.Activists do not believe positive relationships with the government are due to shifting attitudes.An activist from one of the oldest gay organizations in Yunnan reports that, as recently as five years ago,gays were simply ignored,with most officials ignorant of their existence(Interview, Kunming.28 August 2007).Many believe that if there was no HIV/AIDS problem,officials would never acknowledge homosexuality.Even in more progressive provinces,like Yunnan and Sichuan.leading officials 'still dislike gays'(Interview,Chengdu,14 November 2007);they do not think about gays outside of HIV/AIDS,and if they do,'it's probably in a bad way'(Interview.Kunming,23 November 2007).A Yunnan-based activist reserved his harshest criticism for 'party officials'rather than 'government officials',describing the former as 'old,conservative. and backward'who prefer gays and lesbians 'not exist at all'(Interview,Kunming.3 December 2007). 47.Sometimes the need to address HIV/AIDS is so great that local governments turn a blind eye to organizations that have ulterior motives.A gay activist in Yunnan reports that NGOs can be unusually antagonistic when addressing HIV/ AIDS,but believes local govemments are more forgiving because they provide a valuable service(Interview,Kunming.3 December 2007).A former leader in Yunnan reports that many international groups working on HIV/AIDS are Christian missionaries.While the government is uncomfortable with their presence,their need for assistance in stopping the crisis currently outweighs concerns about illegal religious activities (Interview,Kunming,12 September 2007). 48.Interview,Kunming.29 November 2007. 49.Interview.Chengdu,14 November 2007. 853
government has downsized its apparatus and given responsibility for policy implementation to local governments (and since these governments often lack the capability and political will to follow through) social organizations are needed to ensure implementation. The importance of HIV/AIDS in explaining the presence of LGBT activists should not be understated. Chinese NGOs in most issue areas emerge and flourish only insofar as their activities complement government interests.43 Gay groups are granted political space to the extent that they help tackle the growing HIV/AIDS crisis, reaching high-risk groups that the government cannot.44 Activists use ‘public health’ frames, casting their activities almost exclusively in terms of how they can help combat HIV/AIDS. These groups ‘must be loud about AIDS but quiet about other issues’ in order to enjoy the most political space.45 Because the central government has devolved policy implementation responsibility to local officials, opportunities for LGBT groups to provide services are highly dependent upon local government preferences, which can vary significantly. Activists must work to maintain good relations with these officials and avoid any activities perceived as contrary to their interests.46 If a local government is not interested in HIV/AIDS, for example, political opportunities for LGBT groups will not be as plentiful. Activists believe that the political space for gay and lesbian work is greater in southern provinces like Yunnan and Sichuan than others, largely because of their distance from the more politically closed Beijing.47 Although Yunnan NGO leaders report generally positive relations with local governments, Yunnan provincial officials are seen as close-minded compared to those in other areas. Yunnan activists offer Sichuan as an example of ‘real openness’. An activist was in awe of the province, declaring it China’s ‘gay heaven’.48 Sichuan’s political opportunities for gay and lesbian groups are more than just legend. Leaders of Sichuan gay organizations speak glowingly of political openness, as well as minimal cultural and social pressures against LGBTs. While some leaders in Sichuan explain the unusually good environment by citing the province’s long history of being ‘open and friendly to outsiders’,49 a 43. Hildebrandt, Forging a Harmonious Middle Path. 44. Jon Cohen, ‘A new treatment campaign, but with limited weapons’, Science 304, (2004), pp. 1433–1434. 45. Interview, Kunming, 27 November 2007. 46. Hildebrandt, Forging a Harmonious Middle Path. Activists do not believe positive relationships with the government are due to shifting attitudes. An activist from one of the oldest gay organizations in Yunnan reports that, as recently as five years ago, gays were simply ignored, with most officials ignorant of their existence (Interview, Kunming, 28 August 2007). Many believe that if there was no HIV/AIDS problem, officials would never acknowledge homosexuality. Even in more progressive provinces, like Yunnan and Sichuan, leading officials ‘still dislike gays’ (Interview, Chengdu, 14 November 2007); they do not think about gays outside of HIV/AIDS, and if they do, ‘it’s probably in a bad way’ (Interview, Kunming, 23 November 2007). A Yunnan-based activist reserved his harshest criticism for ‘party officials’ rather than ‘government officials’, describing the former as ‘old, conservative, and backward’ who prefer gays and lesbians ‘not exist at all’ (Interview, Kunming, 3 December 2007). 47. Sometimes the need to address HIV/AIDS is so great that local governments turn a blind eye to organizations that have ulterior motives. A gay activist in Yunnan reports that NGOs can be unusually antagonistic when addressing HIV/ AIDS, but believes local governments are more forgiving because they provide a valuable service (Interview, Kunming, 3 December 2007). A former leader in Yunnan reports that many international groups working on HIV/AIDS are Christian missionaries. While the government is uncomfortable with their presence, their need for assistance in stopping the crisis currently outweighs concerns about illegal religious activities (Interview, Kunming, 12 September 2007). 48. Interview, Kunming, 29 November 2007. 49. Interview, Chengdu, 14 November 2007. LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA 853
TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT more convincing explanation notes the early presence of international donors and NGOs working on the emerging HIV/AIDS epidemic in the late 1990s.These actors brought knowledge and funding,which were instrumental in creating a government and general population more willing to acknowledge the crisis and those affected by it.50 HIV/AIDS has given LGBT organizations more than just a political opportunity.It has also provided important economic resources.As the survey data show,many activists rely heavily on outside funds.One donor representative contends that gay men's groups are 'almost incapable'of raising funds other than those directed towards HIV/AIDS work.51 The dominance of HIV/AIDS funding in the development of gay groups is so significant that one donor representative claims to have seen no gay group that does not do some degree of HIV/AIDS prevention work.32 To demonstrate the importance of HIV/AIDS funds in group creation,one need only look at a key constituency of the LGBT community:because lesbian women are not identified as a high-risk group for HIV/AIDS,few funds are available and growth of lesbian organizations has been stunted:liberal estimates suggest that China has 14 lesbian organizations.53 But it is less the amount of money than how organizations receive it that most effects relations with transnational and domestic actors.In order to ensure freer movement and full cooperation with governments across China,HIV/AIDS funding schemes usually employ a 'filter model'whereby funds brought into the country are directed first through the government.Government agents,usually the Centers for Disease Control (CDC),then pass funds to community-based organizations. This distribution mechanism can be traced to 2001,with the UK international development agency's first HIV/AIDS project in China;it has been adopted by private donors such as the Gates Foundation and the largest single source of international funding to HIV/AIDS groups,the Global Fund.As in the original iteration of the model,Global Fund monies are given to a 'primary recipient',the Chinese government.The government's chief agent,the CDC,transfers funds to social organizations ('sub-recipients').For groups not legally registered (82%of LGBT NGO survey respondents)funds are held by another 'sub-recipient',a local agency or government-organized NGO(GONGO),then given to organizations('sub- sub-recipients'in Global Fund parlance).Many activists believe government participation has been motivated less by concerns for disease prevention and more by the economic opportunities presented to local officials by the filter model.Moreover, the model allows the government to decide who receives financial support,thus 50.Officials elsewhere share this enthusiasm for enlisting the help of domestic NGOs to prevent HIV/AIDS.The govemor of Gansu,for example,declared his province's intention to'catalyze the birth of NGOs'to address the issue (Xinhua.13 April 2007). 51.Interview,Hong Kong.15 October 2007. 52.Interview.Kunming,30 July 2007. 53.The case of Hong Kong demonstrates the importance of HIV/AIDS funding in the development of LGBT activism.During the early 1990s,gay Hong Kong activists resisted working on HIV/AIDS despite its impact on their community.Concerned with being stigmatized as a diseased population,activists collaborated with officials to emphasize the generalized nature of the epidemic and downplay the 'gayness'of it.By the time the gay community concentrated on HIV/AIDS in 1998,they were unable to take full advantage of related economic opportunities and create a strong network of gay groups.By that point,interests of foreign donors had moved northward to mainland China and the HIV/AIDS crisis that was just beginning to boil (Interview,Kunming,30 July 2007). 854
more convincing explanation notes the early presence of international donors and NGOs working on the emerging HIV/AIDS epidemic in the late 1990s. These actors brought knowledge and funding, which were instrumental in creating a government and general population more willing to acknowledge the crisis and those affected by it.50 HIV/AIDS has given LGBT organizations more than just a political opportunity. It has also provided important economic resources. As the survey data show, many activists rely heavily on outside funds. One donor representative contends that gay men’s groups are ‘almost incapable’ of raising funds other than those directed towards HIV/AIDS work.51 The dominance of HIV/AIDS funding in the development of gay groups is so significant that one donor representative claims to have seen no gay group that does not do some degree of HIV/AIDS prevention work.52 To demonstrate the importance of HIV/AIDS funds in group creation, one need only look at a key constituency of the LGBT community: because lesbian women are not identified as a high-risk group for HIV/AIDS, few funds are available and growth of lesbian organizations has been stunted: liberal estimates suggest that China has 14 lesbian organizations.53 But it is less the amount of money than how organizations receive it that most effects relations with transnational and domestic actors. In order to ensure freer movement and full cooperation with governments across China, HIV/AIDS funding schemes usually employ a ‘filter model’ whereby funds brought into the country are directed first through the government. Government agents, usually the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), then pass funds to community-based organizations. This distribution mechanism can be traced to 2001, with the UK international development agency’s first HIV/AIDS project in China; it has been adopted by private donors such as the Gates Foundation and the largest single source of international funding to HIV/AIDS groups, the Global Fund. As in the original iteration of the model, Global Fund monies are given to a ‘primary recipient’, the Chinese government. The government’s chief agent, the CDC, transfers funds to social organizations (‘sub-recipients’). For groups not legally registered (82% of LGBT NGO survey respondents) funds are held by another ‘sub-recipient’, a local agency or government-organized NGO (GONGO), then given to organizations (‘subsub-recipients’ in Global Fund parlance). Many activists believe government participation has been motivated less by concerns for disease prevention and more by the economic opportunities presented to local officials by the filter model. Moreover, the model allows the government to decide who receives financial support, thus 50. Officials elsewhere share this enthusiasm for enlisting the help of domestic NGOs to prevent HIV/AIDS. The governor of Gansu, for example, declared his province’s intention to ‘catalyze the birth of NGOs’ to address the issue (Xinhua, 13 April 2007). 51. Interview, Hong Kong, 15 October 2007. 52. Interview, Kunming, 30 July 2007. 53. The case of Hong Kong demonstrates the importance of HIV/AIDS funding in the development of LGBT activism. During the early 1990s, gay Hong Kong activists resisted working on HIV/AIDS despite its impact on their community. Concerned with being stigmatized as a diseased population, activists collaborated with officials to emphasize the generalized nature of the epidemic and downplay the ‘gayness’ of it. By the time the gay community concentrated on HIV/AIDS in 1998, they were unable to take full advantage of related economic opportunities and create a strong network of gay groups. By that point, interests of foreign donors had moved northward to mainland China and the HIV/AIDS crisis that was just beginning to boil (Interview, Kunming, 30 July 2007). TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT 854