Fong China's One-Child Policy 1099 the experiences of their mothers and grandmothers, I well-compensated work rather than using it to bear and show how singleton daughters have unprecedented power rear large numbers of children. Fertility is especially low to deal with gender norms in ways that benefit them. Al- when most women are expected to work at jobs incompat though I argue that low fertility has been a key factor in ible with childrearing. A high rate of female employment the empowerment of urban Chinese daughters, I do not is one of the strongest correlates of low fertility(Burggraf claim that it is the only necessary and sufficient factor. 1997; Essock- Vitale and McGuire 1988: 229, 233; Felmlee Low fertility can only empower daughters in areas where 1993; Gerson 1985; Sander 1990; Weinberg 1976).School- opportunities for employment and education are already ing is also likely to cause women to learn childrearing available to women. In the Chinese countryside, where practices that reduce infant mortality and, thus, reduce such opportunities remain out of reach for many women, the need to have large numbers of children, as Robert A ompulsory low fertility tends to frustrate women more Levine and his coauthors found in a 1983 study of Mexi- than it empowers them In cities like Dalian, however, it is can mothers' education and childcare practices(Levine et clear that daughters would have been less able to take ad- al. 1991 vantage of available opportunities if they had to compete Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo attributed gender inequal- with brothers for family resources, and if their mothers ity to a universal"opposition between the'domestic'ori had not demonstrated that women can support their par- entation of women and the extra-domestic or public'ties ents in old age that, in most societies, are primarily available to men (Rosaldo 1974: 17-18). The public sphere offers greater THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS possibilities for empowerment because, unlike the domes Studies of many developed and developing societies tic sphere, it involves formal roles, rights, and duties; the worldwide have documented a high correlation between authority that comes from lack of intimacy; the opportu- nity to achieve rather than be ascribed status; the power to low fertility and women's empowerment(Abadian 1996, create"culture"; the tendency to be categorized as the Balk 1997; Davis 1986; Dharmalingam and Morgan 1996 Keyfitz 1986; Sathar 1988). Although these studies have norm"rather than the anomaly", and control over the focused on low fertility as a cause and effect of mothers production of goods with greater cultural value(rosaldo empowerment, my findings suggest that more attention 1974: 25-35). This theory was later criticized by Rosaldo herself (1980)as well as by other feminist anthropologist should be paid to how low fertility affects daughters. The for relying on dichotomies that do not exist in all societies effects of China's one-child policy on mothers are equivo-( Collier and Yanagisako 1987; Mac Cormack and Strathern cal. On one hand, it has freed mothers from heavy child bearing and child-rearing burdens; on the other hand, it standing gender systems in societies like China, in which has deprived mothers of the freedom to choose their fam- gender inequality has long been based on distinctions be- by men and a nd enforcement tactics. The policy's effects on urban subordinate domestic sphere associated with women daughters, however, are largely beneficial In such societies, the adoption of a modern economy Low resistance to the one-child policy in cities like tends to increase women's employment rates and parental Dalian can be attributed to the rapid pace with which people bias against daughters tends to decrease when daughters in such cities have internalized the same cultural model of are seen as capable of earning money. This pattern was modernization that has caused fertility decline in many documented in late 1980s Taiwan(Stafford 1995) and in lates with the degree to which it has adopted a modern Rosenweig and Schultz 1982). When d i et al. 1995 societies worldwide. A society's fertility rate usually corre 1970s-1980s India (Kishor 1993: Murt economy in which child mortality is low, most people live modernization, the fertility transition enables and com- in urban environments in which children consume a lot pels women to devote themselves to work and education more than they produce, most mothers as well as fathers rather than motherhood. This is not always beneficial to work at jobs incompatible with childrearing, and exten- the first generation of women to experience the fertility sive education is widespread for both genders and seen as transition, since they tend to have been socialized to de the road to socioeconomic success. All of these factors are sire large numbers of children and may suffer when they kely to be both causes and effects of low fertility cannot realize this desire. It is much more beneficial. how Parents are likely to want few children in a modern ever, for daughters born to low-fertility mothers, since economy, in which children cannot contribute much to these daughters tend to be socialized from childhood to family income even though they cost a lot of time and value the educational and career success that the modern money to raise and educate(Aries 1996: 413; Handwerker economy and the fertility transition enable them to pur 3; Knodel et al. 1984; Oshima 1983). Daughters sue. Among my survey respondents, 32 percent(N without brothers are more likely to be encouraged to pur- 1, 215)of girls indicated that they hoped to remain child- sue advanced education and demanding careers that tend less all their lives. The fertility transition has also enabled to reduce fertility. Highly educated daughters have signifi- urban Chinese daughters to receive heavy parental invest- cant incentives to use their time to pursue prestigious and ment and remain filial all their livesan ideal that hasthe experiences of their mothers and grandmothers, I show how singleton daughters have unprecedented power to deal with gender norms in ways that benefit them. Al￾though I argue that low fertility has been a key factor in the empowerment of urban Chinese daughters, I do not claim that it is the only necessary and sufficient factor. Low fertility can only empower daughters in areas where opportunities for employment and education are already available to women. In the Chinese countryside, where such opportunities remain out of reach for many women, compulsory low fertility tends to frustrate women more than it empowers them. In cities like Dalian, however, it is clear that daughters would have been less able to take ad￾vantage of available opportunities if they had to compete with brothers for family resources, and if their mothers had not demonstrated that women can support their par￾ents in old age. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS Studies of many developed and developing societies worldwide have documented a high correlation between low fertility and women’s empowerment (Abadian 1996; Balk 1997; Davis 1986; Dharmalingam and Morgan 1996; Keyfitz 1986; Sathar 1988). Although these studies have focused on low fertility as a cause and effect of mothers’ empowerment, my findings suggest that more attention should be paid to how low fertility affects daughters. The effects of China’s one-child policy on mothers are equivo￾cal. On one hand, it has freed mothers from heavy child￾bearing and child-rearing burdens; on the other hand, it has deprived mothers of the freedom to choose their fam￾ily size and subjected them to intrusive state surveillance and enforcement tactics. The policy’s effects on urban daughters, however, are largely beneficial. Low resistance to the one-child policy in cities like Dalian can be attributed to the rapid pace with which people in such cities have internalized the same cultural model of modernization that has caused fertility decline in many societies worldwide. A society’s fertility rate usually corre￾lates with the degree to which it has adopted a modern economy in which child mortality is low, most people live in urban environments in which children consume a lot more than they produce, most mothers as well as fathers work at jobs incompatible with childrearing, and exten￾sive education is widespread for both genders and seen as the road to socioeconomic success. All of these factors are likely to be both causes and effects of low fertility. Parents are likely to want few children in a modern economy, in which children cannot contribute much to family income even though they cost a lot of time and money to raise and educate (Aries 1996:413; Handwerker 1986:3; Knodel et al. 1984; Oshima 1983). Daughters without brothers are more likely to be encouraged to pur￾sue advanced education and demanding careers that tend to reduce fertility. Highly educated daughters have signifi￾cant incentives to use their time to pursue prestigious and well-compensated work rather than using it to bear and rear large numbers of children. Fertility is especially low when most women are expected to work at jobs incompat￾ible with childrearing. A high rate of female employment is one of the strongest correlates of low fertility (Burggraf 1997; Essock-Vitale and McGuire 1988:229, 233; Felmlee 1993; Gerson 1985; Sander 1990; Weinberg 1976). School￾ing is also likely to cause women to learn childrearing practices that reduce infant mortality and, thus, reduce the need to have large numbers of children, as Robert A. Levine and his coauthors found in a 1983 study of Mexi￾can mothers’ education and childcare practices (LeVine et al. 1991). Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo attributed gender inequal￾ity to a universal “opposition between the ‘domestic’ ori￾entation of women and the extra-domestic or ‘public’ ties that, in most societies, are primarily available to men” (Rosaldo 1974:17–18). The public sphere offers greater possibilities for empowerment because, unlike the domes￾tic sphere, it involves formal roles, rights, and duties; the authority that comes from lack of intimacy; the opportu￾nity to achieve rather than be ascribed status; the power to create “culture”; the tendency to be categorized as the “norm” rather than the “anomaly”; and control over the production of goods with greater cultural value (Rosaldo 1974:25–35). This theory was later criticized by Rosaldo herself (1980) as well as by other feminist anthropologists for relying on dichotomies that do not exist in all societies (Collier and Yanagisako 1987; MacCormack and Strathern 1980). Still, Rosaldo’s argument is useful for under￾standing gender systems in societies like China, in which gender inequality has long been based on distinctions be￾tween a superior public sphere dominated by men and a subordinate domestic sphere associated with women. In such societies, the adoption of a modern economy tends to increase women’s employment rates and parental bias against daughters tends to decrease when daughters are seen as capable of earning money. This pattern was documented in late 1980s Taiwan (Stafford 1995) and in 1970s–1980s India (Kishor 1993; Murthi et al. 1995; Rosenweig and Schultz 1982). When accompanied by modernization, the fertility transition enables and com￾pels women to devote themselves to work and education rather than motherhood. This is not always beneficial to the first generation of women to experience the fertility transition, since they tend to have been socialized to de￾sire large numbers of children and may suffer when they cannot realize this desire. It is much more beneficial, how￾ever, for daughters born to low-fertility mothers, since these daughters tend to be socialized from childhood to value the educational and career success that the modern economy and the fertility transition enable them to pur￾sue. Among my survey respondents, 32 percent (N = 1,215) of girls indicated that they hoped to remain child￾less all their lives. The fertility transition has also enabled urban Chinese daughters to receive heavy parental invest￾ment and remain filial all their lives—an ideal that has Fong • China’s One-Child Policy 1099