1104 American Anthropologist VoL 104, No 4. December 2002 state enterprises to discriminate against middle-aged women women alike, but women who fall short by those stand have also created service and light-industry jobs that favor ards can compensate with pleasant personalities, physical young women. Physical attractiveness and stereotypically attractiveness, and the ability and willingness to do house- feminine positive traits can compensate for a woman's work Men can use these qualities to compensate as well, lack of education and family connections, but the poorly but not nearly to the extent women can educated son of powerless parents is simply out of luck In the marriage market created by the one-child pol- Recognizing the midlevel job market's greater de- icy, women enjoy several advantages. As in the past, mand for female workers, the educational system admits grooms are expected to provide marital housing. The abil- more girls than boys at the high school level. Greater edu- ity to live up to this expectation remains an important de cational opportunities for girls were reflected in the mate. terminant of whether a man can win a bride. Thus, a son rials published by Dalian's Bureau of Education and given and his parents must try to buy, rent, borrow, or inherit to Dalian's graduating junior high school class of 1999. At extra housing by the time the son is ready to marry. A the technical-school level(sixth-rate), there were 1, 346 daughter and her parents, on the other hand, can consider places open to both boys and girls and 4, 492 places re- the ability to provide or contribute to the purchase of served for girls, but only 4, 301 places reserved for boys. At marital housing an extra bonus to enhance the daughter's the vocational-school level(fifth-rate), there were 2, 949 marriagiability and comfort, rather than a requirement places open to both boys and girls and 5, 189 places re- Brotherless daughters and their parents see this as an ad served for girls, but only 3, 849 places reserved for boys. vantage, rather than a sign that daughters are valued less Several all-female private college-preparatory high schools than sons. Singletons of either gender face no competition (third-rate)were established in the Dalian area during the for parental investment or inheritance. They and their 1990s, but no all-male schools. At the second-rate college parents just have to decide what form the wealth transfer prep high school I studied, 52 percent of students(N= will take. Unlike sons' parents, daughters' parents can in 781)were female and 48 percent were male. According to vest all their savings in their daughters'education, rather teachers, students, and education officials, only the small than saving part of it for the purchase of marital housing minority of schools classified as keypoint college prep The need to purchase housing to attract a spouse is thus a schools(first-rate) had more boys than girls. A study con- disadvantage for sons and their parents. This disadvantage ducted in 1990s Shanghai(an eastern coastal city with a became particularly onerous after the housing reforms of olitical economy similar to Dalian's) found that the in- 1997, which allowed work units to sell apartments on the comes of unmarried young women in Shanghai exceeded private market instead of assigning them to workers in ex- those of unmarried young men (Wang Zheng 2000: 75). change for low, subsidized rents. a male vocational high Most of the boys and about a quarter of the girls in my sur- school student told me that he could have gone to a college vey sample indicated that girls had an easier time getting prep high school if his parents, who ran a small shop, had jobs than boys did spent all their savings on extra fees and bribes that would Drawing on evidence from France and Kabylia, Pierre have gotten him in despite his low exam score. He said, Bourdieu argued that, because of the strength of symbolic modes of masculine domination " in work as in educa They gave me a choice. Either they could use their to send me to the college prep high school, or they tion, the progress made by women must not conceal tl use it to buy an apartment for me so that I'll be able corresponding progress made by men, so that, as in a a wife when the time comes. I don't like to study, and I handicap race, the structure of the gaps is maintained" didn't think I could make it to college even if I went to a (2001: 91). I found, however, that the gap between male ollege prep school, so I chose the apartment. and female statuses was much narrower in my students generation than in their parents'and grandparents' gen- while men prefer to marry women of the same status erations. Although they still face a glass ceiling perpetu- Thus, women can gain upward mobility through hyper ated by the symbolic structures of masculine domination gamous marriage, while men are often forced to choose that Bourdieu described, singleton daughters are not hin- between permanent bachelorhood and marriage to some dered by the parental discrimination that disadvantaged one of lower status. Although it produces inequality be- neir mothers and grandmothers. The removal of this dis tween husbands and wives, hypergamous marriage is in advantage has enabled singleton daughters to make th some ways more favorable to women than to men. Unlike best use of their glass floor, and in some cases push the women, men seldom gain upward mobility through mar- limits of their glass ceiling. riage. Because of a low divorce rate, parental and school prohibitions against dating among teenagers, legal and so- cial prohibitions against pregnancy outside wedlock, and a Many parents told me that girls are more fortunate than strict social prohibition against premarital sex that applies boys because girls have more paths to upward mobility. especially to women but also to men, Dalian women are Family background, career success, and educational attain- relatively protected from the feminization of poverty per- ment are important spouse selection criteria for men and vasive in societies with high rates of single motherhood. ostate enterprises to discriminate against middle-aged women have also created service and light-industry jobs that favor young women. Physical attractiveness and stereotypically feminine positive traits can compensate for a woman’s lack of education and family connections, but the poorly educated son of powerless parents is simply out of luck. Recognizing the midlevel job market’s greater de￾mand for female workers, the educational system admits more girls than boys at the high school level. Greater edu￾cational opportunities for girls were reflected in the mate￾rials published by Dalian’s Bureau of Education and given to Dalian’s graduating junior high school class of 1999. At the technical-school level (sixth-rate), there were 1,346 places open to both boys and girls and 4,492 places re￾served for girls, but only 4,301 places reserved for boys. At the vocational-school level (fifth-rate), there were 2,949 places open to both boys and girls and 5,189 places re￾served for girls, but only 3,849 places reserved for boys. Several all-female private college-preparatory high schools (third-rate) were established in the Dalian area during the 1990s, but no all-male schools. At the second-rate college prep high school I studied, 52 percent of students (N = 781) were female and 48 percent were male. According to teachers, students, and education officials, only the small minority of schools classified as keypoint college prep schools (first-rate) had more boys than girls. A study con￾ducted in 1990s Shanghai (an eastern coastal city with a political economy similar to Dalian’s) found that the in￾comes of unmarried young women in Shanghai exceeded those of unmarried young men (Wang Zheng 2000:75). Most of the boys and about a quarter of the girls in my sur￾vey sample indicated that girls had an easier time getting jobs than boys did.8 Drawing on evidence from France and Kabylia, Pierre Bourdieu argued that, because of the strength of symbolic modes of masculine domination, “in work as in educa￾tion, the progress made by women must not conceal the corresponding progress made by men, so that, as in a handicap race, the structure of the gaps is maintained” (2001:91). I found, however, that the gap between male and female statuses was much narrower in my students’ generation than in their parents’ and grandparents’ gen￾erations. Although they still face a glass ceiling perpetu￾ated by the symbolic structures of masculine domination that Bourdieu described, singleton daughters are not hin￾dered by the parental discrimination that disadvantaged their mothers and grandmothers. The removal of this dis￾advantage has enabled singleton daughters to make the best use of their glass floor, and in some cases push the limits of their glass ceiling. MARRIAGE Many parents told me that girls are more fortunate than boys because girls have more paths to upward mobility. Family background, career success, and educational attain￾ment are important spouse selection criteria for men and women alike,9 but women who fall short by those stand￾ards can compensate with pleasant personalities, physical attractiveness, and the ability and willingness to do house￾work. Men can use these qualities to compensate as well, but not nearly to the extent women can. In the marriage market created by the one-child pol￾icy, women enjoy several advantages. As in the past, grooms are expected to provide marital housing. The abil￾ity to live up to this expectation remains an important de￾terminant of whether a man can win a bride. Thus, a son and his parents must try to buy, rent, borrow, or inherit extra housing by the time the son is ready to marry. A daughter and her parents, on the other hand, can consider the ability to provide or contribute to the purchase of marital housing an extra bonus to enhance the daughter’s marriagiability and comfort, rather than a requirement. Brotherless daughters and their parents see this as an ad￾vantage, rather than a sign that daughters are valued less than sons. Singletons of either gender face no competition for parental investment or inheritance. They and their parents just have to decide what form the wealth transfer will take. Unlike sons’ parents, daughters’ parents can in￾vest all their savings in their daughters’ education, rather than saving part of it for the purchase of marital housing. The need to purchase housing to attract a spouse is thus a disadvantage for sons and their parents. This disadvantage became particularly onerous after the housing reforms of 1997, which allowed work units to sell apartments on the private market instead of assigning them to workers in ex￾change for low, subsidized rents. A male vocational high school student told me that he could have gone to a college￾prep high school if his parents, who ran a small shop, had spent all their savings on extra fees and bribes that would have gotten him in despite his low exam score. He said, They gave me a choice. Either they could use their savings to send me to the college prep high school, or they could use it to buy an apartment for me so that I’ll be able to get a wife when the time comes. I don’t like to study, and I didn’t think I could make it to college even if I went to a college prep school, so I chose the apartment. In Dalian, women prefer to marry men of higher status, while men prefer to marry women of the same status. Thus, women can gain upward mobility through hyper￾gamous marriage, while men are often forced to choose between permanent bachelorhood and marriage to some￾one of lower status. Although it produces inequality be￾tween husbands and wives, hypergamous marriage is in some ways more favorable to women than to men. Unlike women, men seldom gain upward mobility through mar￾riage. Because of a low divorce rate, parental and school prohibitions against dating among teenagers, legal and so￾cial prohibitions against pregnancy outside wedlock, and a strict social prohibition against premarital sex that applies especially to women but also to men, Dalian women are relatively protected from the feminization of poverty per￾vasive in societies with high rates of single motherhood.10 1104 American Anthropologist • Vol. 104, No. 4 • December 2002