Fong China's One-Child Policy 1103 the costs and benefits of disregarding invoking, trans- do work that would fund their brothers'education(Green forming, or conforming to particular expectations on par- haigh 1985b, 1994b; Lan and Fong 1999: Wolf 1968, ticular occasions I translate these expectations as "gender 1972). Brotherless daughters, however, are encouraged to norms."Although powerful, these norms are recognized, make full use of their academic talents because they are talked about, and open to challenge. They are thus compa- their parents' only objects of investment, and only hope rable to what Pierre Bourdieu called"orthodoxy, "a system for old-age support of acceptable ways of thinking and speaking the natural In the educational systems of Britain, Canada, the and social world, which rejects heretical remarks as blas- United States, Belgium, Morocco, and Algeria, girls from phemies"(1977: 169). Unlike doxa, which Bourdieu defined stigmatized minority backgrounds have tended to outper as the"self-evident and natural order which goes without form their male counterparts, who are more likely to rebel saying and therefore goes unquestioned"(1977: 166), or- against school discipline(which is identified with their thodoxy is defined in opposition to heterodoxy and, thus, ethnic oppressors)(Gibson 1997). Although they were not unable to conceal its own arbitrariness ethnic minorities, economically disadvantaged teenagers Judith Butler proposed that the task of feminism is"to in Dalian experienced a similar phenomenon. Girls at the repeat and, through a radical proliferation of gender, to schools I studied tended to have higher overall scores than displace the very gender norms that enable the repetition boys. This advantage, however, was balanced out by elite itself"(1990: 148). By parodying norms and performing schools'emphasis on math and science(which boys fa the possibilities they exclude or condemn, Butler argued, vored) over the social sciences and humanities(which people can liberate themselves and others from the con- girls favored). High school entrance exams tested students traints of these norms. Because they have the full support on more science and math subjects than humanities and of their parents, singleton daughters have unprecedented social science subjects, and four-year colleges accepted freedom to engage in this kind of play. At the same time, more science and math majors than humanities and socia however, their freedom is limited by a socioeconomic sys- science majors. These factors constituted a significant bias tem that remains structured by class and gender inequ against girls at the highest levels of academic achieve- ies. While more elite women might have the wherewithal ment, but not at the middle and lower levels where the to seek the total liberation that Butler proposed, my majority of students found themselves. mostly nonelite students and their parents find that they Gender norms structure Dalians job market, but not must choose their battles. Therefore, they do not try to always to women's disadvantage and men's advantage eradicate all gender norms. Rather, they only try to do Rather, they work in favor of younger women and aca away with ones most likely to hurt their own interests, demically unsuccessful women from lower-class families such as those that portray daughters as less filial and les even as they work against older women, elite women, and worthy of parental investment than sons. At the same poor, academically unsuccessful men. time, they conform to other gender norms, such as those Stereotypically feminine traits are seen as ideal for most jobs in light industry and the service sector. Stereo- that portray women as more patient and meticulous than typically masculine traits are seen as ideal for most jobs in men, when they feel that such norms may further their in- terests. They seek happiness and success, not liberation status professions open only to a tiny elite. This means er se. While previous generations have also done this, that elite women are less likely to get elite work than their daughters born after the one-child policy have more famil- male counterparts, but also that nonelite women are more ial support for their strategies than ever before EDUCATION AND WORK parts. Daughters are therefore counseled both to conform to gender norms that can give them an advantage in the Parents of daughters as well as sons believe that success in general job market and to disregard those that might ex education and work will be the key determinant of their clude them from elite professional work. children's(and, thus, their own) future happiness. Like Women are rare in the most prestigious and best-paid sons,daughters are their parents'only hope for the future. professions, partly because they are hindered by their"sec- I have never heard of any Dalian daughter's parents want- ond shift"of domestic work and partly because of many ing her to become a housewife with no paid work. While a employers belief that women do not have enough daring woman has the option of relying on her husband's income, and creativity to do elite work. Focusing on biases against it is not as desirable as having an income of her own. older women and elite women, recent studies have argued Girls who conform to gender norms are more studious that post-Mao economic reforms have intensified dis- and obedient than their male counterparts and, thus, crimination against women( Croll 1995; Honig and Her- more successful in the educational system at all levels be- shatter 1988; Hooper 1998; Kerr et al. 1996; Summerfield sides the very highest. The greater studiousness of girls 1994). I found, however, that the consequences of those was of limited use in previous generations because parent eforms are more complicated for the majority of youths, were reluctant to spend money on daughters' education who are of average or below-average education and family and sometimes even made daughters drop out of school background. The same economic reforms that encouragethe costs and benefits of disregarding, invoking, trans￾forming, or conforming to particular expectations on par￾ticular occasions. I translate these expectations as “gender norms.” Although powerful, these norms are recognized, talked about, and open to challenge. They are thus compa￾rable to what Pierre Bourdieu called “orthodoxy,” a system “of acceptable ways of thinking and speaking the natural and social world, which rejects heretical remarks as blas￾phemies” (1977:169). Unlike doxa, which Bourdieu defined as the “self-evident and natural order which goes without saying and therefore goes unquestioned” (1977:166), or￾thodoxy is defined in opposition to heterodoxy and, thus, unable to conceal its own arbitrariness. Judith Butler proposed that the task of feminism is “to repeat and, through a radical proliferation of gender, to displace the very gender norms that enable the repetition itself” (1990:148). By parodying norms and performing the possibilities they exclude or condemn, Butler argued, people can liberate themselves and others from the con￾straints of these norms. Because they have the full support of their parents, singleton daughters have unprecedented freedom to engage in this kind of play. At the same time, however, their freedom is limited by a socioeconomic sys￾tem that remains structured by class and gender inequali￾ties. While more elite women might have the wherewithal to seek the total liberation that Butler proposed, my mostly nonelite students and their parents find that they must choose their battles. Therefore, they do not try to eradicate all gender norms. Rather, they only try to do away with ones most likely to hurt their own interests, such as those that portray daughters as less filial and less worthy of parental investment than sons. At the same time, they conform to other gender norms, such as those that portray women as more patient and meticulous than men, when they feel that such norms may further their in￾terests. They seek happiness and success, not liberation per se. While previous generations have also done this, daughters born after the one-child policy have more famil￾ial support for their strategies than ever before. EDUCATION AND WORK Parents of daughters as well as sons believe that success in education and work will be the key determinant of their children’s (and, thus, their own) future happiness. Like sons, daughters are their parents’ only hope for the future. I have never heard of any Dalian daughter’s parents want￾ing her to become a housewife with no paid work. While a woman has the option of relying on her husband’s income, it is not as desirable as having an income of her own. Girls who conform to gender norms are more studious and obedient than their male counterparts and, thus, more successful in the educational system at all levels be￾sides the very highest. The greater studiousness of girls was of limited use in previous generations because parents were reluctant to spend money on daughters’ education and sometimes even made daughters drop out of school to do work that would fund their brothers’ education (Green￾halgh 1985b, 1994b; Lan and Fong 1999; Wolf 1968, 1972). Brotherless daughters, however, are encouraged to make full use of their academic talents because they are their parents’ only objects of investment, and only hope for old-age support. In the educational systems of Britain, Canada, the United States, Belgium, Morocco, and Algeria, girls from stigmatized minority backgrounds have tended to outper￾form their male counterparts, who are more likely to rebel against school discipline (which is identified with their ethnic oppressors) (Gibson 1997). Although they were not ethnic minorities, economically disadvantaged teenagers in Dalian experienced a similar phenomenon. Girls at the schools I studied tended to have higher overall scores than boys.7 This advantage, however, was balanced out by elite schools’ emphasis on math and science (which boys fa￾vored) over the social sciences and humanities (which girls favored). High school entrance exams tested students on more science and math subjects than humanities and social science subjects, and four-year colleges accepted more science and math majors than humanities and social science majors. These factors constituted a significant bias against girls at the highest levels of academic achieve￾ment, but not at the middle and lower levels where the majority of students found themselves. Gender norms structure Dalian’s job market, but not always to women’s disadvantage and men’s advantage. Rather, they work in favor of younger women and aca￾demically unsuccessful women from lower-class families even as they work against older women, elite women, and poor, academically unsuccessful men. Stereotypically feminine traits are seen as ideal for most jobs in light industry and the service sector. Stereo￾typically masculine traits are seen as ideal for most jobs in the rapidly shrinking heavy-industry sector and in high￾status professions open only to a tiny elite. This means that elite women are less likely to get elite work than their male counterparts, but also that nonelite women are more likely to avoid unemployment than their male counter￾parts. Daughters are therefore counseled both to conform to gender norms that can give them an advantage in the general job market and to disregard those that might ex￾clude them from elite professional work. Women are rare in the most prestigious and best-paid professions, partly because they are hindered by their “sec￾ond shift” of domestic work and partly because of many employers’ belief that women do not have enough daring and creativity to do elite work. Focusing on biases against older women and elite women, recent studies have argued that post-Mao economic reforms have intensified dis￾crimination against women (Croll 1995; Honig and Her￾shatter 1988; Hooper 1998; Kerr et al. 1996; Summerfield 1994). I found, however, that the consequences of those reforms are more complicated for the majority of youths, who are of average or below-average education and family background. The same economic reforms that encourage Fong • China’s One-Child Policy 1103