Nixon,Kissinger,and the "Soviet Card"in the U.S.Opening to China,1971-1974:477 with Chinese leaders in the early 1o7os.Works based on this new material,par- ticularly the books by James Mann and Patrick Tyler,have revealed the extent to which the idea of the Soviet Union as a shared enemy fueled the new Sino- American relationship.Mann notes that "[w]hile American and Chinese offi- cials gave toasts to friendship,they talked increasingly of their common enemy," and by 1974,Kissinger and the new premier Deng Xiaoping"could barely say hello to each other without swapping lines about the Russians." The analysis here concentrates on the process of private bargaining that took place between Nixon and Kissinger and the Chinese leaders and their repre- sentatives during the first four years of the opening to China,which eventually led to the state of affairs described by Mann.It explores how the triangular strategic context was portrayed and played to advantage to advance the White House's position and to persuade Chinese leaders about the type of new relationship the United States and China ought to pursue.The aim is to understand and assess the nature and value of the Soviet card to the Nixon administration in the development of Sino-American relations. Given this focus on Sino-American relations,this article offers neither a parallel study of the impact of the China card on Soviet-American relations nor conclusions about the success or otherwise of triangular politics per se. However,concentrating on Sino-American relations does allow us to con- textualize triangular politics within the dynamics of bilateral relations.In this regard,declassified records demonstrate the critical importance of an under- standing on Taiwan,struck at the beginning during Kissinger's first secret trip to Beijing in July 1971,in facilitating the U.S.-China rapprochement.At these initial talks,Kissinger assured Premier Zhou Enlai that the U.S.government did not advocate either a“two Chinas'”ora“one Taiwan one China”solution; that it did not support the Taiwan independence movement;and that it would gradually withdraw U.S.troops on Taiwan as the war in Vietnam ended and as relations with China improved.The Chinese side compromised by not insist- ing on U.S.recognition for the PRC prior to Nixon's visit to China,in part because of Kissinger's secret assurance that the Nixon administration would normalize relations with the PRC during the first half of Nixon's second term in office.'This understanding on Taiwan was necessary in allowing the talks to proceed.In the realm of triangular politics,the temporary agreement on Taiwan initially facilitated the White House play of the Soviet card in developing Sino- American relations,but as Beijing perceived that Washington was less prepared to deliver on the process of normalization as time went by,Taiwan increasingly 8.Tyler,A Great Wall,107-79:James Mann,About Face:A History of America's Curious Rela- tionship witb China,From Nixon to Clinton (New York,1998),56. 9.Kissinger to Zhou,memcon,7/9/71,Box 851,National Security Files [NSF],Nixon Presidential Material [NPM],National Archives [NA]. 10.Kissinger to Zhou,memcon,7/1o/71,Box 851,NSF,NPM,p.19.For a fuller dis- cussion on the dispensation on Taiwan,see Goh,Constructing the US Rapprocbement with China, chap.8.with Chinese leaders in the early 1970s. Works based on this new material, par￾ticularly the books by James Mann and Patrick Tyler, have revealed the extent to which the idea of the Soviet Union as a shared enemy fueled the new Sino￾American relationship. Mann notes that “[w]hile American and Chinese offi- cials gave toasts to friendship, they talked increasingly of their common enemy,” and by 1974, Kissinger and the new premier Deng Xiaoping “could barely say hello to each other without swapping lines about the Russians.”8 The analysis here concentrates on the process of private bargaining that took place between Nixon and Kissinger and the Chinese leaders and their repre￾sentatives during the first four years of the opening to China, which eventually led to the state of affairs described by Mann. It explores how the triangular strategic context was portrayed and played to advantage to advance the White House’s position and to persuade Chinese leaders about the type of new relationship the United States and China ought to pursue. The aim is to understand and assess the nature and value of the Soviet card to the Nixon administration in the development of Sino-American relations. Given this focus on Sino-American relations, this article offers neither a parallel study of the impact of the China card on Soviet-American relations nor conclusions about the success or otherwise of triangular politics per se. However, concentrating on Sino-American relations does allow us to con￾textualize triangular politics within the dynamics of bilateral relations. In this regard, declassified records demonstrate the critical importance of an under￾standing on Taiwan, struck at the beginning during Kissinger’s first secret trip to Beijing in July 1971, in facilitating the U.S.-China rapprochement. At these initial talks, Kissinger assured Premier Zhou Enlai that the U.S. government did not advocate either a “two Chinas” or a “one Taiwan one China” solution; that it did not support the Taiwan independence movement; and that it would gradually withdraw U.S. troops on Taiwan as the war in Vietnam ended and as relations with China improved.9 The Chinese side compromised by not insist￾ing on U.S. recognition for the PRC prior to Nixon’s visit to China, in part because of Kissinger’s secret assurance that the Nixon administration would normalize relations with the PRC during the first half of Nixon’s second term in office.10 This understanding on Taiwan was necessary in allowing the talks to proceed. In the realm of triangular politics, the temporary agreement on Taiwan initially facilitated the White House play of the Soviet card in developing Sino￾American relations, but as Beijing perceived that Washington was less prepared to deliver on the process of normalization as time went by, Taiwan increasingly Nixon, Kissinger, and the “Soviet Card” in the U.S. Opening to China, 1971–1974 : 477 8. Tyler, A Great Wall, 107–79; James Mann, About Face: A History of America’s Curious Rela￾tionship with China, From Nixon to Clinton (New York, 1998), 56. 9. Kissinger to Zhou, memcon, 7/9/71, Box 851, National Security Files [NSF], Nixon Presidential Material [NPM], National Archives [NA]. 10. Kissinger to Zhou, memcon, 7/10/71, Box 851, NSF, NPM, p. 19. For a fuller dis￾cussion on the dispensation on Taiwan, see Goh, Constructing the US Rapprochement with China, chap. 8