JAPANESE LINEAGE OF KOREA'S"DEVELOPMENTAL STATE 1273 Choson state;both political control and economic General,1909,p.45);scholarly observers have in transformation depended on it.A fair number of polit- retrospect characterized the Japanese colonial civil ical reforms had thus in fact been put into place during service as "outstanding,"composed of"hard working 1905-10.especially 1907-09,even prior to the formal and trusted cadres,"who deserve "high marks as a annexation of Korea in 1910.Subsequently,the group"(Peattie,1984,p.26).Elements of the highly decade of 1910-20 was again critical,whcn,undcr devclopcd,Japancsc stylc of burcaucratic govcrnment very harsh authoritarian circumstances,a highly were thus transferred directly to Korea. bureaucratized and a deeply penetrating state was con- structed. (i)The new civil service A key architect of the early reforms in 1907-09, While other colonial powers in other parts of the whose role helps us trace the origins of the design of world also created a competent civil service (e.g.,the the new Korean state,was the Meiji oligarch and the British in India),the Japanese colonial project was former Meiji era premier of Japan,Ito Hirubumi.Ito qualitatively distinct;both the extent and the intensity as a young man had been one of the handful of leaders of bureaucratic penetration was unique.There were who had led the Meiji"revolution"and who had sub- some 10,000 officials in the Japanese-Korean govern- sequently participated in the reform efforts that fol- ment in 1910:by 1937.this number was up to 87.552 lowed the destruction of Tokugawa Shogunate.Ito More than half of these government officials in 1937, had travelled extensively in Europe and had been fas- 52,270 to be exact,were Japanese.Contrast this with cinated with Prussian bureaucracy as a model for the French in Vietnam (where,by the way,the pres- Japan:the Prussian "model"offered to him a route to ence of the French was already more significant than Western rationality and modernity without"succumb- say,that of the British in Africa),who ruled a nearly ing"to Anglo-American liberalism (Halliday,1975, similar sized colony with some 3,000 French;in other p.37).Within Japan,Ito in 1878 had "led the cam- words.there were nearly 15 Japanese officials in paign to make the bureaucracy the absolutely unas- Korea for every French administrator in Vietnam sailable base and center of political power in the state (Robinson,in Eckert et al.,1990,p.257).The pres- system."Subsequently,Ito helped reorganize Tokyo ence of Korean bureaucrats,trained and employed by University in 1881 as a "school for government the Japanese,was also sizable:nearly 40,000 Koreans bureaucrats"and by 1887,"a basic civil service and qualified as government officials just before WWIl. entrance apprenticeship based on the Prussian model While most of the Koreans did not occupy senior posi- was installed."19 With this experience behind him, tions in the colonial government,there can be little when Ito was appointed in the early 1900s to run the doubt that,over the four decades of colonial rule,they Korean protectorate,and where his powers as became an integral part of a highly bureaucratic form Resident-General were near absolute "The of government.Moreover,during WWIl.as the uncrowned King of Korea"-he was quite self-con- demand for Japanese officials grew elsewhere,many scious of his task:"Korea can hardly be called an Koreans moved higher up in the bureaucratic hierar- organized state in the modern sense:I am trying to chy.I will return below to the issue of continuity:this make it such"(Ladd,1908.pp.435 and 174). sizable cadre of Japanese-trained Korean bureaucrats Ito and his successors set out to deliberately con- virtually took over the day-to-day running of a trun- struct a new Japanese-controlled Korean state.The cated South Korea,first under US military government first task was to gain central control.With superior and eventually when a sovereign state was formed. military power behind them,the Japanese in 1907 dis- One further characteristic of the colonial govern- mantled the Korean army,repressed those who ment that needs to be underlined is the successful links "mutinied."incorporated other army officers into a that the Japanese created between a highly concen- Japanese-controlled gendarmery,and forced the trated power center in Seoul,and a densely bureaucra- Korean monarch to abdicate.Having captured the tized periphery.All bureaucracies face the problem of heart of the state.the colonial rulers sought to system- how to ensure that central commands are faithfully atically create a depersonalized "public arena,"to implemented by the officials at the bottom rung.This, spread their power both wide and deep,and to coopt in turn,requires ensuring that lower level officials and/or repress native Korean political forces.For respond mainly to those above them in the bureau example,the patrimonial elements of the monarchial cratic hierarchy.rather than to personal interests,or to state were destroyed rather early,and replaced by a the interests of societal actors with whom they inter- cabinet-style government run by Japanese burcau- act.The Japanese in Korea were quite self-conscious crats.20 Since the appointments of these and other of this problem and repeatedly experimented till they lower level bureaucrats were governed by "elaborate arrived at arrangements deemed satisfactory. rules and regulations which,in the main follow(ed) Of course,certain circumstances were helpful in the lines of the Imperial Japanese services."the new establishing authority links between the center and the Korean state quickly acquired a "rational"character periphery:ruling arrangements in Seoul were highly (Ireland,1926,p.104;and H.I.J.M.'s Residency authoritarian-the power of the Japanese GovernorJAPANESE LINEAGE OF KOREA’S “DEVELOPMENTAL STATE” 1213 Chosbn state; both political control and economic transformation depended on it. A fair number of polit￾ical reforms had thus in fact been put into place during 1905-10, especially 1907-09, even prior to the formal annexation of Korea in 1910. Subsequently, the decade of 1910-20 was again critical, when, under very harsh authoritarian circumstances, a highly bureaucratized and a deeply penetrating state was con￾structed. A key architect of the early reforms in 1907-09, whose role helps us trace the origins of the design of the new Korean state, was the Meiji oligarch and the former Meiji era premier of Japan, Ito Hirubumi. Ito as a young man had been one of the handful of leaders who had led the Meiji “revolution” and who had sub￾sequently participated in the reform efforts that fol￾lowed the destruction of Tokugawa Shogunate. Ito had travelled extensively in Europe and had been fas￾cinated with Prussian bureaucracy as a model for Japan: the Prussian “model” offered to him a route to Western rationality and modernity without “succumb￾ing” to Anglo-American liberalism (Halliday, 1975, p. 37). Within Japan, Ito in 1878 had “led the cam￾paign to make the bureaucracy the absolutely unas￾sailable base and center of political power in the state system.” Subsequently, Ito helped reorganize Tokyo University in 1881 as a “school for government bureaucrats” and by 1887, “a basic civil service and entrance apprenticeship based on the Prussian model was installed.“19 With this experience behind him, when Ito was appointed in the early 1900s to run the Korean protectorate, and where his powers as Resident-General were near absolute - “The uncrowned King of Korea” -he was quite self-con￾scious of his task: “Korea can hardly be called an organized state in the modem sense; I am trying to make it such” (Ladd, 1908, pp. 435 and 174). Ito and his successors set out to deliberately con￾struct a new Japanese-controlled Korean state. The first task was to gain central control. With superior military power behind them, the Japanese in 1907 dis￾mantled the Korean army, repressed those who “mutinied,” incorporated other army officers into a Japanese-controlled gendarmery, and forced the Korean monarch to abdicate. Having captured the heart of the state, the colonial rulers sought to system￾atically create a depersonalized “public arena,” to spread their power both wide and deep, and to coopt and/or repress native Korean political forces. For example, the patrimonial elements of the monarchial state were destroyed rather early, and replaced by a cabinet-style government run by Japanese bureau￾crats.20 Since the appointments of these and other lower level bureaucrats were governed by “elaborate rules and regulations which, in the main follow(ed) the lines of the Imperial Japanese services,” the new Korean state quickly acquired a “rational” character (Ireland, 1926, p. 104; and H.I.J.M.‘s Residency General, 1909, p. 45); scholarly observers have in retrospect characterized the Japanese colonial civil service as “outstanding,” composed of “hard working and trusted cadres,” who deserve “high marks as a group” (Peattie, 1984, p. 26). Elements of the highly developed, Japanese style of bureaucratic government were thus transferred directly to Korea. (i) The new civil service While other colonial powers in other parts of the world also created a competent civil service (e.g., the British in India), the Japanese colonial project was qualitatively distinct; both the extent and the intensity of bureaucratic penetration was unique. There were some 10,000 officials in the Japanese-Korean govem￾ment in 1910; by 1937. this number was up to 87,552. More than half of these government officials in 1937, 52,270 to be exact, were Japanese. Contrast this with the French in Vietnam (where, by the way, the pres￾ence of the French was already more significant than, say, that of the British in Africa), who ruled a nearly similar sized colony with some 3,000 French; in other words, there were nearly 15 Japanese officials in Korea for every French administrator in Vietnam (Robinson, in Eckert et al., 1990, p. 257). The pres￾ence of Korean bureaucrats, trained and employed by the Japanese, was also sizable: nearly 40,000 Koreans qualified as government officials just before WWII. While most of the Koreans did not occupy senior posi￾tions in the colonial government, there can be little doubt that, over the four decades of colonial rule, they became an integral part of a highly bureaucratic form of government. Moreover, during WWII, as the demand for Japanese officials grew elsewhere, many Koreans moved higher up in the bureaucratic hierar￾chy. I will return below to the issue of continuity: this sizable cadre of Japanese-trained Korean bureaucrats virtually took over the day-to-day running of a trun￾cated South Korea, first under US military government and eventually when a sovereign state was formed. One further characteristic of the colonial govem￾ment that needs to be underlined is the successful links that the Japanese created between a highly concen￾trated power center in Seoul, and a densely bureaucra￾tized periphery. All bureaucracies face the problem of how to ensure that central commands are faithfully implemented by the officials at the bottom rung. This, in turn, requires ensuring that lower level officials respond mainly to those above them in the bureau￾cratic hierarchy, rather than to personal interests, or to the interests of societal actors with whom they inter￾act. The Japanese in Korea were quite self-conscious of this problem and repeatedly experimented till they arrived at arrangements deemed satisfactory. Of course, certain circumstances were helpful in establishing authority links between the center and the periphery: ruling arrangements in Seoul were highly authoritarian - the power of the Japanese Governor