Voluntas through singing,dancing,and presenting Kim with a petition of 1000 signatures (Wangyi 2012).Kim Lee had posted her court date on her Weibo account only a week before the hearing.Some activists perceived this occasion as a great opportunity for a public event to raise public support,not only for Kim but also for the need to combat DV in general (Interview 8). On the day of the hearing,a core group of seven DV activists waited at the courthouse for Kim Lee and Li Yang to arrive.They lined up in a row wearing t-shirts that displayed the slogan Zero Tolerance for Domestic Violence(家庭暴力零 )Spurred on by the deadline of Kim's final court date,the activists had revitalized a signature campaign that had previously been only moderately successful.They broadened its scope by publicizing it through organizations A and B(Interviews 7 and 8).Upon Kim Lee's arrival at the court,the activists handed her a banner which displayed 1000 signatures and the activists'demands to the government.The activist also brought a red banner2 stating Zero Tolerance for Domestic Violence,which several well-known activists and experts directly signed. This banner was stolen by an unknown person who ran off with it shortly after its official display (Interview 7). The activists also performed a song demanding the punishment of perpetrators of domestic violence(家庭暴力法律应该制裁)，greater awareness of the issue(伤不 起真的伤不起)，and for each individual to take greater responsibility for combating DV(家庭暴力不是两个人的问题)(nterview 7).The performance took less than an hour;the hearing,however,stretched over several hours.Even though they were not permitted onto the premises of the court or into the courtroom,the activists waited until the hearing was concluded,persevering to show moral support for Kim and commitment to the combat of DV in front of the waiting media representatives (Interviews 7 and 8).Whenever the activists saw an opportunity to invade the court premises,they would storm in and security guards would push them out again.The main aim of this strategy was to receive widespread media coverage to mobilize greater public support for tackling DV. The innovative features of both actions included their public setting and their enactment of performance.These efforts were not directed at policy elites but media representatives (and through the latter,the broader public),and they consciously used the element of public disturbance to serve this aim: Footnote 18 continued on grounds of domestic violence and applied for custody of their three daughters.The Beijing inter- mediary court granted the divorce,gave Kim full custody of their daughters,and in the summer of 2013 decided that Li Yang had to pay alimony for their daughters [Weibo:http://www.weibo.com/p/ 1005052254494161:Baidu:http://baike.baidu.com/subview/1205784/6889377.htm?fromId=1654201: (Tatlow 2011)].Kim Lee's divorce case,and particularly her public disclosure of DV,transformed her into a beacon of hope for the Beijing ADV mobilization. 9Weibo is best characterized as the Chinese version of Twitter.A person would have needed to be a member of Kim's network-either a 'friend'of Kim's or of somebody who shared or commented on her post-in order to know about her court date. 20 Red banners are used during official propaganda sessions by the CCP.The activists used these banners to mimic this officialdom and thus increase the legitimacy of their actions.For a further discussion,see the section on framing. 2Springerthrough singing, dancing, and presenting Kim with a petition of 1000 signatures (Wangyi 2012). Kim Lee had posted her court date on her Weibo19 account only a week before the hearing. Some activists perceived this occasion as a great opportunity for a public event to raise public support, not only for Kim but also for the need to combat DV in general (Interview 8). On the day of the hearing, a core group of seven DV activists waited at the courthouse for Kim Lee and Li Yang to arrive. They lined up in a row wearing t-shirts that displayed the slogan Zero Tolerance for Domestic Violence (家庭暴力零 容忍). Spurred on by the deadline of Kim’s final court date, the activists had revitalized a signature campaign that had previously been only moderately successful. They broadened its scope by publicizing it through organizations A and B (Interviews 7 and 8). Upon Kim Lee’s arrival at the court, the activists handed her a banner which displayed 1000 signatures and the activists’ demands to the government. The activist also brought a red banner20 stating Zero Tolerance for Domestic Violence, which several well-known activists and experts directly signed. This banner was stolen by an unknown person who ran off with it shortly after its official display (Interview 7). The activists also performed a song demanding the punishment of perpetrators of domestic violence (家庭暴力法律应该制裁), greater awareness of the issue (伤不 起真的伤不起), and for each individual to take greater responsibility for combating DV (家庭暴力不是两个人的问题) (Interview 7). The performance took less than an hour; the hearing, however, stretched over several hours. Even though they were not permitted onto the premises of the court or into the courtroom, the activists waited until the hearing was concluded, persevering to show moral support for Kim and commitment to the combat of DV in front of the waiting media representatives (Interviews 7 and 8). Whenever the activists saw an opportunity to invade the court premises, they would storm in and security guards would push them out again. The main aim of this strategy was to receive widespread media coverage to mobilize greater public support for tackling DV. The innovative features of both actions included their public setting and their enactment of performance. These efforts were not directed at policy elites but media representatives (and through the latter, the broader public), and they consciously used the element of public disturbance to serve this aim: Footnote 18 continued on grounds of domestic violence and applied for custody of their three daughters. The Beijing inter￾mediary court granted the divorce, gave Kim full custody of their daughters, and in the summer of 2013 decided that Li Yang had to pay alimony for their daughters [Weibo: http://www.weibo.com/p/ 1005052254494161; Baidu: http://baike.baidu.com/subview/1205784/6889377.htm?fromId=1654201; (Tatlow 2011)]. Kim Lee’s divorce case, and particularly her public disclosure of DV, transformed her into a beacon of hope for the Beijing ADV mobilization. 19 Weibo is best characterized as the Chinese version of Twitter. A person would have needed to be a member of Kim’s network—either a ‘friend’ of Kim’s or of somebody who shared or commented on her post—in order to know about her court date. 20 Red banners are used during official propaganda sessions by the CCP. The activists used these banners to mimic this officialdom and thus increase the legitimacy of their actions. For a further discussion, see the section on framing. Voluntas 123