Voluntas The mobilizing structure for both events relied upon the formal and informal networks of all three ADV organizations.This structure,alongside the organiza- tional space,expertise,and financial resources,enabled the activists to mobilize easily and quickly for both actions.The innovative element-the public disturbance -was effectively combined with the existing mobilizing structure to enable mobilization for improved legal protection against DV by Beijing ADV organizations. The individual activists are pivotal for the success of public art advocacy.What, then,are their motivations to participate in these events?Employees in professional ADV organizations are often motivated to work in this field through experiences of domestic violence and/or other gender-based discrimination,either personally or in their extended families (Interviews 10 and 13),or through an interest in the area (Interviews 1,11,and 14)leading to long-lasting,mostly professional,commitments to the improvement of women's rights.The activists in the performance art advocacy, on the other hand,emphasized that personal experiences of DV or gender discrimination were not their underlying motivation (their)for mobilizing in street-based activism (Interviews 7 and 8);rather,they were motivated by their awareness of the continuing existence of gender inequalities (Interviews 6,7,and 8): In my case (...)I have not experienced DV at home.For me,I just formed a citizen's consciousness and I am especially interested in the problem of women's rights.(...)For the others some either experienced DV themselves or have a friend who experienced it.They all have a rather well-developed awareness for gender issues,they all are concerned with women's rights.But they are not only interested in DV.(Interview 8,translation by author) These findings suggest that awareness of gender discrimination in general in the PRC,and of DV in particular,may have increased in the last decade and encouraged more people to become active in the ADV movement.While the activists did not only rely on the established mobilizing structure of professional ADV organizations, but they did also employ similar framing strategies. We Want What You Want!'The Framing Strategy Behind Both Actions Disturbing social order is part of the Chinese penal code,but due to its broad scope it is hard to define exactly which actions may constitute such a disturbance.It is a widespread practice to round up undesirable social elements,such as dissidents, labor activists,or other forms of disruption of the social order (Johnson 2005, p.294).ADV activist used performance art advocacy to create broader public support for the combat of DV.To achieve this,activists selected not only creative means but also symbolic places:the famous Qianmen pedestrian street and the entrance area of a courthouse. By its nature,performance art advocacy falls into the broad scope of the concept of disturbing social order.It is therefore a risky strategy,which explains the cautious ②SpringerThe mobilizing structure for both events relied upon the formal and informal networks of all three ADV organizations. This structure, alongside the organiza￾tional space, expertise, and financial resources, enabled the activists to mobilize easily and quickly for both actions. The innovative element—the public disturbance —was effectively combined with the existing mobilizing structure to enable mobilization for improved legal protection against DV by Beijing ADV organizations. The individual activists are pivotal for the success of public art advocacy. What, then, are their motivations to participate in these events? Employees in professional ADV organizations are often motivated to work in this field through experiences of domestic violence and/or other gender-based discrimination, either personally or in their extended families (Interviews 10 and 13), or through an interest in the area (Interviews 1, 11, and 14) leading to long-lasting, mostly professional, commitments to the improvement of women’s rights. The activists in the performance art advocacy, on the other hand, emphasized that personal experiences of DV or gender discrimination were not their underlying motivation (their 行动力) for mobilizing in street-based activism (Interviews 7 and 8); rather, they were motivated by their awareness of the continuing existence of gender inequalities (Interviews 6, 7, and 8): In my case (…) I have not experienced DV at home. For me, I just formed a citizen’s consciousness and I am especially interested in the problem of women’s rights. (…) For the others some either experienced DV themselves or have a friend who experienced it. They all have a rather well-developed awareness for gender issues, they all are concerned with women’s rights. But they are not only interested in DV. (Interview 8, translation by author) These findings suggest that awareness of gender discrimination in general in the PRC, and of DV in particular, may have increased in the last decade and encouraged more people to become active in the ADV movement. While the activists did not only rely on the established mobilizing structure of professional ADV organizations, but they did also employ similar framing strategies. ‘We Want What You Want!’ The Framing Strategy Behind Both Actions Disturbing social order is part of the Chinese penal code, but due to its broad scope it is hard to define exactly which actions may constitute such a disturbance. It is a widespread practice to round up undesirable social elements, such as dissidents, labor activists, or other forms of disruption of the social order (Johnson 2005, p. 294). ADV activist used performance art advocacy to create broader public support for the combat of DV. To achieve this, activists selected not only creative means but also symbolic places: the famous Qianmen pedestrian street and the entrance area of a courthouse. By its nature, performance art advocacy falls into the broad scope of the concept of disturbing social order. It is therefore a risky strategy, which explains the cautious Voluntas 123