Brondo Year in Review: Public Anthropology 213 clinics, and methadone clinics and better case management human rights advocates and the challenges of engaging in room human rights research within highly militarized contexts Clementine Fujimura, who teaches ethnographic methods WAR PEACE AND ETHICS IN ANTHROPOLOGY to the military community at the u.S. Naval Academy With a new u.S. president whose military policy is of grad- Dave Matsuda of the HTS, and Laura McNamara of Sandia ual withdrawal of troops from Iraq and intensified war efforts National Laboratories all feel their work for military, intelli- in Afghanistan, the debate over anthropology role in war nce, or other national security organizations is exercising contexts continued to be a main focus of 2009. At the core their scholarly and civil commitments in a time of war. These of this debate are questions concerning the social respon- practicing anthropologists raise subtle ethical questions that sibility of anthropologists, our role in shaping the contexts are difficult to answer, such as the following: What are our in which we work, our obligations with regard to how thical obligations when using anthropology to train the war work is used in the broader world, and the extent to which riors who do battle in a time when peace through war is the anthropologists are and should be activists. If activism or ad- primary philosophy of our military policy? How do inter vocacy is indeed a core component of anthropology, do we rogation practices reflect changes in institutional worldview of it? Public anthropologists have addressed this issue of the Global War on Terror cies charged with prosecuting the engage in that activism from within an institution or outside among the federal agend ethical concerns for a militarized anthropology from both di Although McNamara and others are positioned to shape rections: some as insider-anthropologists and employees or national security policy in a more nuanced and humane contractors working with the military, others as passionate shion from the inside, other public anthropologists sup ported by academic institutions are documenting human In 2007, the involvement of anthropologists as mem- rights abuses within conflict zones. Danny Hoffmans recent bers of the U.S. Department of Defense's Human Terrain work focuses on the outsourcing of war to local, surrogate Systems(HTS)sparked a discussion over revising the AAA militia forces and the training of indigenous groups for coun Code of Ethics(Gonzalez and Gusterson 2009). AAA mem- terinsurgency Daniel Rothenberg, Emilio Spadola, Kathryi bership approved an initial revision in February of 2009 and Libal, Amahl Bishara, Michael Perez, and Lori Allen work set up an ad hoc committee to explore further revisions. with victims of human rights violations in Iraq and Palestine Throughout the year, reaction and debate surrounding the In 2009, Lori Allen contributed to an amicus brief to be filed ethics of military anthropology continued at national con- in the U. S Supreme Court against a statute that could hinde ferences, on public anthropology blogs, in Anthropology News or even criminalize the work of anthropologists who work and Counterpunch, and through activist networks such as the in conflict zones, and she provided expert advice to lawyers Network of Concerned Anthropologists epresenting individuals seeking political asylum in the U The Commission on the Engagement of Anthropo Michael Perez spent a significant portion of 2009 as an invited ogy with the U.S. Security and Intelligence Communities lecturer during campus teach-ins on war and peace in Iraq (CEAUSSIC), formed in 20 071 undertake a review of the Afghanistan, and Palestine. One of Perez's HTS, released its final report in October of 2009. In the re- is that, rather than addressing the human rights abuses of port, CEAuSSIC recommended that the AAA emphasize in- Palestinian refugees, the peace-negotiation process ends up compatibility of the HTS with our discipline's code of ethics, erasing their rights, including the right to property, through autioning that"when ethnographic investigation is deter- its focus on humanitarian needs and"rehabilitation "Perez mined by military missions, not subject to external review also served as editor and occasional column contributor for [and] integrated into the goals of counterinsurgency, Islamica, the leading English-language publication produced and in a potentially coercive environment--all characteris- by Muslims in 2009, and kept a regular blog on the Middle tic factors of the HTS concept and its application-it can East and Islam(see gir Rosemary Joyce and Adrienne Pine introduced a res- of anthropology"(CEAUSSIC 2009: 4). Roberto Gonzalez olution at the 2009 AAA Business Meeting that called on (2009), Robert Lawless(2009), and David Price(2009)took the u. S. government to recognize the human rights abuses this position further in 2009 Counterpunch articles, arguing caused by the Honduran military coup of June 28, 2009. The that hrs work is not "neutral" and limited to humanitar resolution, which went to Aaa membership for a vote in ian projects but, rather, an arm of u.S. military January of 2010, offers support to those in resistance, many berto gonzalez also released American Counterinsurgent of whom are from the indigenous populations and popular Human Science and the Human Terrain?(2009). In this book, movements with whom anthropologists collaborate. Pine Gonzalez links HTS theory and methods to those used by also began full-time coverage of the Honduran coup on her anthropolog con- log(quoth. net), where she provides first-hand accounts cluding that social-science objectives become subservient of resistance from honduras at center stage. pine calls this counterinsurgency within the HTS context form of engagement with the public "militant solidarity an At both the SfAA and AAA annual meetings, a vari- thropology"(Pine 2009). In addition to her blog, Pine spent ety of sessions focused on the role of anthropologists as a good deal of the latter part of 2009 as an invited lecturerBrondo • Year in Review: Public Anthropology 213 clinics, and methadone clinics and better case management for emergency room “frequent flyers.” WAR, PEACE, AND ETHICS IN ANTHROPOLOGY With a new U.S. president whose military policy is of grad￾ual withdrawal of troops from Iraq and intensified war efforts in Afghanistan, the debate over anthropology’s role in war contexts continued to be a main focus of 2009. At the core of this debate are questions concerning the social respon￾sibility of anthropologists, our role in shaping the contexts in which we work, our obligations with regard to how our work is used in the broader world, and the extent to which anthropologists are and should be activists. If activism or ad￾vocacy is indeed a core component of anthropology, do we engage in that activism from within an institution or outside of it? Public anthropologists have addressed this issue of the ethical concerns for a militarized anthropology from both di￾rections: some as insider-anthropologists and employees or contractors working with the military, others as passionate critics. In 2007, the involvement of anthropologists as mem￾bers of the U.S. Department of Defense’s Human Terrain Systems (HTS) sparked a discussion over revising the AAA Code of Ethics (Gonzalez and Gusterson 2009). AAA mem- ´ bership approved an initial revision in February of 2009 and set up an ad hoc committee to explore further revisions. Throughout the year, reaction and debate surrounding the ethics of military anthropology continued at national con￾ferences, on public anthropology blogs, in Anthropology News and Counterpunch, and through activist networks such as the Network of Concerned Anthropologists. The Commission on the Engagement of Anthropol￾ogy with the U.S. Security and Intelligence Communities (CEAUSSIC), formed in 2007 to undertake a review of the HTS, released its final report in October of 2009. In the re￾port, CEAUSSIC recommended that the AAA emphasize in￾compatibility of the HTS with our discipline’s code of ethics, cautioning that “when ethnographic investigation is deter￾mined by military missions, not subject to external review ... [and] integrated into the goals of counterinsurgency, and in a potentially coercive environment—all characteris￾tic factors of the HTS concept and its application—it can no longer be considered a legitimate professional exercise of anthropology” (CEAUSSIC 2009:4). Roberto Gonzalez ´ (2009), Robert Lawless (2009), and David Price (2009)took this position further in 2009 Counterpunch articles, arguing that HTS work is not “neutral” and limited to humanitar￾ian projects but, rather, an arm of U.S. military expansion. Roberto Gonzalez also released ´ American Counterinsurgency: Human Science and the Human Terrain? (2009). In this book, Gonzalez links HTS theory and methods to those used by ´ anthropologists employed by colonial governments, con￾cluding that social-science objectives become subservient to counterinsurgency within the HTS context. At both the SfAA and AAA annual meetings, a vari￾ety of sessions focused on the role of anthropologists as human rights advocates and the challenges of engaging in human rights research within highly militarized contexts. Clementine Fujimura, who teaches ethnographic methods to the military community at the U.S. Naval Academy, Dave Matsuda of the HTS, and Laura McNamara of Sandia National Laboratories all feel their work for military, intelli￾gence, or other national security organizations is exercising their scholarly and civil commitments in a time of war. These practicing anthropologists raise subtle ethical questions that are difficult to answer, such as the following: What are our ethical obligations when using anthropology to train the war￾riors who do battle in a time when peace through war is the primary philosophy of our military policy? How do inter￾rogation practices reflect changes in institutional worldview among the federal agencies charged with prosecuting the Global War on Terror? Although McNamara and others are positioned to shape national security policy in a more nuanced and humane fashion from the inside, other public anthropologists sup￾ported by academic institutions are documenting human rights abuses within conflict zones. Danny Hoffman’s recent work focuses on the outsourcing of war to local, surrogate militia forces and the training of indigenous groups for coun￾terinsurgency. Daniel Rothenberg, Emilio Spadola, Kathryn Libal, Amahl Bishara, Michael Perez, and Lori Allen work with victims of human rights violations in Iraq and Palestine. In 2009, Lori Allen contributed to an amicus brief to be filed in the U.S. Supreme Court against a statute that could hinder or even criminalize the work of anthropologists who work in conflict zones, and she provided expert advice to lawyers representing individuals seeking political asylum in the U.K. Michael Perez spent a significant portion of 2009 as an invited lecturer during campus teach-ins on war and peace in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Palestine. One of Perez’s main insights is that, rather than addressing the human rights abuses of Palestinian refugees, the peace-negotiation process ends up erasing their rights, including the right to property, through its focus on humanitarian needs and “rehabilitation.” Perez also served as editor and occasional column contributor for Islamica, the leading English-language publication produced by Muslims in 2009, and kept a regular blog on the Middle East and Islam (see gimmetruth.wordpress.com). Rosemary Joyce and Adrienne Pine introduced a res￾olution at the 2009 AAA Business Meeting that called on the U.S. government to recognize the human rights abuses caused by the Honduran military coup of June 28, 2009. The resolution, which went to AAA membership for a vote in January of 2010, offers support to those in resistance, many of whom are from the indigenous populations and popular movements with whom anthropologists collaborate. Pine also began full-time coverage of the Honduran coup on her blog (quotha.net), where she provides first-hand accounts of resistance from Honduras at center stage. Pine calls this form of engagement with the public “militant solidarity an￾thropology” (Pine 2009). In addition to her blog, Pine spent a good deal of the latter part of 2009 as an invited lecturer