VOL 94 NO. 4 BERTRAND AND MULLAINATHAN: RACE IN THE LABOR MARKET experience. This resume quality manipulation which names are distinctively White and which needs to be somewhat subtle to avoid making a are distinctively African-American. Distinctive higher-quality job applicant overqualified fc names are those that have the highest ratio of given job. We try to avoid this problem by frequency in one racial group to frequency in making sure that the features listed above are the other racial group not all added at once to a given resume. this As a check of distinctiveness, we conducted a leaves us with a high-quality and a low-quality survey in various public areas in Chicago. Each pool of resumes respondent was asked to assess features of a To minimize similarity to actual job seekers, person with a particular name, one of which is we use resumes from Boston job seekers to race. For each name, 30 respondents were asked form templates for the resumes to be sent out in to identify the name as either "White " "African- Chicago and use resumes from Chicago job American, ""Other, "or"Cannot Tell. "In gen- seekers to form templates for the resumes to be eral, the names led respondents to readily sent out in Boston. To implement this migra- attribute the expected race for the person but previous employers on the resumes More spe- were disregarded, ptions and these names ion, we alter the names of the schools and there were a few ex cifically, for each Boston resume we use the The final list of first names used for this study Chicago resumes to replace a Boston school is shown in Appendix Table Al. The table with a Chicago school. 4 We also use the Chi- reports the relative likelihood of the names for cago resumes to replace a Boston employer with the Whites and African-Americans in the Mas a Chicago employer in the same industry. We sachusetts birth certificates data as well as use a similar procedure to migrate Chicago re- the recognition rate in the field survey. As sumes to Boston. This produces distinct but Appendix Table Al indicates, the African- realistic looking resumes, similar in their edu- American first names used in the experiment are cation and career profiles to this subpopulation quite common in the population. This suggests of job searchers. that by using these names as an indicator of race, we are actually covering a rather large B. Identities of Fictitious Applicants segment of the African-American population Applicants in each race/sex/city/resume qual The next step is to generate identities for the ity cell are allocated the same phone number fictitious job applicants: names, telephone num- This guarantees that we can precisely track em bers, postal addresses, and(possibly) e-mail ployer callbacks in each of these cells. The addresses. The choice of names is crucial to our phone lines we use are virtual ones with only a experiment. To decide on which names are voice mailbox attached to them. a similar out uniquely African-American and which are going message is recorded on each of the voice uniquely white, name frequency data mailboxes but each message is recorded by calculated from birth certificates of all babies someone of the appropriate race and ge born in Massachusetts between 1974 and 1979 We tabulate these data by race to determine 18 For example, Maurice and Jerome are distinctively African-American names in a frequency sense yet are not perceived as such by many peopl lever tailed summary of resume characteristics by quality cause there is censoring of the data at five births. If there an In Section Ill, subsection B, and Table 3, we provi ikelihood ratio of∞ ewer than five babies in any race/name cell,it We try as much as possible to match high schools and (and we do not know whether a cell has ity and demographic characteristic censored). This is primarily a problem for the Note that for applicants with schooling or work expe- of how many African-American babies hav rience outside of the Boston or Chicago areas, we leave the names use more White-sounding last name We also generate a set of different fonts, layouts, and for White applicants and more African-Americar over letters to further differentiate the resumes. These are last names for African-American applicants. The lations of Murphy, Murray, O'Brien, Ryan, Sullivan, and Walsh. The race, such as affiliation with a minority group because we last names used for African-American applicants are: Jack- felt such affiliations may especially convey more than race. son, Jones, Robinson, Washington, and williamsVOL. 94 NO. 4 BERTRAND AND MULLAINATHAN: RACE IN THE LABOR MARKET 995 experience. This resume quality manipulation needs to be somewhat subtle to avoid malung a higher-quality job applicant overqualified for a given job. We try to avoid this problem by making sure that the features listed above are not all added at once to a given resume. This leaves us with a high-quality and a low-quality pool of resumes.13 To minimize similarity to actual job seekers, we use resumes from Boston job seekers to form templates for the resumes to be sent out in Chicago and use resumes from Chicago job seekers to form templates for the resumes to be sent out in Boston. To implement this rnigra￾tion, we alter the names of the schools and previous employers on the resumes. More spe￾cifically, for each Boston resume, we use the Chicago resumes to replace a Boston school with a Chicago schoo~.'~ We also use the Chi￾cago resumes to replace a Boston employer with a Chicago employer in the same industry. We use a similar procedure to migrate Chicago re￾sumes to ~0ston.l~ This produces distinct but realistic looking resumes, similar in their edu￾cation and career rofiles to this subpopulation of job searchers. 1t' B. Identities of Fictitious Applicants The next step is to generate identities for the fictitious job applicants: names, telephone num￾bers, postal addresses, and (possibly) e-mail addresses. The choice of names is crucial to our experiment." To decide on which names are uniquely African-American and which are uniquely White, we use name frequency data calculated from birth certificates of all babies born in Massachusetts between 1974 and 1979. We tabulate these data by race to determine 13 In Section 111, subsection B, and Table 3, we provide a detailed summary of resume characteristics by quality level. l4 We try as much as possible to match high schools and colleges on quality and demographic characteristics. l5 Note that for applicants with schooling or work expe￾rience outside of the Boston or Chicago areas, we leave the school or employer name unchanged. l6 We also generate a set of different fonts, layouts, and cover letters to further differentiate the resumes. These are applied at the time the resumes are sent out. I' We chose name over other potential manipulations of race, such as affiliation with a minority group, because we felt such affiliations may especially convey more than race. which names are distinctively White and which are distinctively African-American. Distinctive names are those that have the highest ratio of frequency in one racial group to frequency in theother racial group. As a check of distinctiveness, we conducted a survey in various public areas in Chicago. Each respondent was asked to assess features of a person with a particular name, one of which is race. For each name, 30 respondents were asked to identify the name as either "White," "African￾American," "Other," or "Cannot Tell." In gen￾eral, the names led respondents to readily attribute the expected race for the person but there were a few exceptions and these names were disregarded.'* The final list of first names used for this study is shown in Appendix Table Al. The table reports the relative likelihood of the names for the Whites and African-Americans in the Mas￾sachusetts birth certificates data as well as the recognition rate in the field survey.19 As Appendix Table A1 indicates, the African￾American first names used in the experiment are quite common in the population. This suggests that by using these names as an indicator of race, we are actually covering a rather large segment of the African-American population.20 Applicants in each race/sex/city/resume qual￾ity cell are allocated the same phone number. This guarantees that we can precisely track em￾ployer callbacks in each of these cells. The phone lines we use are virtual ones with only a voice mailbox attached to them. A similar out￾going message is recorded on each of the voice mailboxes but each message is recorded by someone of the appropriate race and gender. la For example, Maurice and Jerome are distinctively African-American names in a frequency sense yet are not perceived as such by many people. l9 So many of names show a likelihood ratio of x be￾cause there is censoring of the data at five births. If there are fewer than five babies in any racelname cell, it is censored (and we do not know whether a cell has zero or was censored). This is primarily a problem for the computation of how many African-American babies have "White" names. 'O We also tried to use more White-sounding last names for White applicants and more African-American-sounding last names for African-American applicants. The last names used for White applicants are: Baker, Kelly, McCarthy, Murphy, Murray, O'Brien, Ryan, Sullivan, and Walsh. The last names used for African-American applicants are: Jack￾son, Jones, Robinson, Washington, and Williams