538 ANDREB,BORGLOH,BROCKEL,GIESSELMANN,AND HUMMELSHEIM in high rates of part-time working women,which employees and single parents in allocating childcare seems to be the only way to combine family and work facilities (The Clearinghouse on International Develop- without risking a longer career break(Ringen,1997). ments in Child,Youth and Family Policies,2003:6). During the 1990s about 40 per cent of all active women Furthermore,data on labour force participation reveal were working part-time,which is the highest rate that there is good provision of jobs for divorced women. among the five countries.Additionally,women have to Whereas only 30 per cent of all married women are gain- be satisfied with less income than men.Women's earn- fully employed,60 per cent of all divorced women have a ings as share of men's earnings are lower than in job(Eurostat,2003).Contrary to the divorced women, Belgium,Germany,and Sweden.We conclude that male breadwinners are able to extend and stabilize their Great Britain has a rudimentary family policy,focusing sources of economic independence after partnership dis- on private arrangements according to individual mar- solution.Furthermore,the system of post-marriage ali- ket resources.Therefore,Great Britain represents the mony is rudimentary compared to the other countries. market model. Claims are not determined by the standard of living experienced during marriage (Timoteo,1995:287).All Italy in all,Italy can be assigned to the model of extended The Italian welfare state contains elements of different family solidarity,because of its rudimentary family pol- icy and its strong focus on family networks in case of prototypes,with the family as the main source of social economic problems. security (The Clearinghouse on International Develop- ments in Child,Youth and Family Policies,2003:3). Provision of childcare facilities for toddlers (below 3 Sweden years of age)is poor,but the state provides care facilities Sweden may be characterized as a country with an for somewhat older children (over three years of age) extensive family policy.Support for children and com- and generous parental leave arrangements that at least in pensation for the economic costs of child rearing have principle allow adult family members to participate in been the focus of Swedish policy for decades.The extent the labour market independent of their parental obliga- of financial support for families is generally very high. tions(Dienel,1993:249).In this respect,Italian family Among the five countries,Sweden spends the highest policy includes elements of the dual earner model.How- share of GDP on cash benefits to families.There are no ever,these policy measures are not always available at special benefits for separated or divorced individuals the local level or not accepted by many families.As a except an advanced maintenance scheme for children. consequence,a traditional gendered division of labour is Theoretically,the law provides spousal maintenance,but still very common (Saraceno,2000:62). in fact it is unusual to make such claims(Saldeen,1995: One reason for this contradictory result is that mod- 493).Furthermore,various life transitions,which are ern aspects of family policy are embedded in a tradi- somewhat critical in terms of income,are financially tional welfare system that is based on the idea of supported by the state:e.g.founding a home,giving extended family solidarity.The Italian constitution birth to a child,and educating children.There is a lot of obliges all citizens to provide alimony and care for fam- support for extended,paid,and job-protected parental ily members in need.s Thereby,the state determines leave.Fathers explicitly have the right to paternity leave 'family'as the basic unit of the welfare state.These insti- after birth of a child(this option has already been intro- tutionalized interdependencies motivate a (gendered) duced in 1974)and part of parental leave is reserved for division of labour within the family (Dienel,1993:93), each parent,so that both partners have incentives to take although provision is made for public childcare facilities part(Ministry of Health and Social Affairs,2002:2). and mothers need not stay at home.In addition,by The Swedish welfare system encourages the employ- granting tax deductions for dependent spouses and pro- ment of women as well as the reconciliation of work and viding access to free health care for families with house- family life for women and men.The Swedish system tra- hold incomes below a certain threshold,the state ditionally focuses on dual earner families.Women's provides monetary incentives for potential secondary employment is nearly as high as men's,even among earners not at work.Thus,it is harder for secondary married individuals with children below the age of six earners to establish an autonomous economic basis. (Sainsbury,1999:217).On the one hand this is due to a After partnership dissolution,women are more likely socially accepted consensus of gender equity,and on the to benefit from infrastructural efforts:the state privileges other hand this is due to a well-established system of538 ANDREß, BORGLOH, BRÖCKEL, GIESSELMANN, AND HUMMELSHEIM in high rates of part-time working women, which seems to be the only way to combine family and work without risking a longer career break (Ringen, 1997). During the 1990s about 40 per cent of all active women were working part-time, which is the highest rate among the five countries. Additionally, women have to be satisfied with less income than men. Women’s earn￾ings as share of men’s earnings are lower than in Belgium, Germany, and Sweden. We conclude that Great Britain has a rudimentary family policy, focusing on private arrangements according to individual mar￾ket resources. Therefore, Great Britain represents the market model. Italy The Italian welfare state contains elements of different prototypes, with the family as the main source of social security (The Clearinghouse on International Develop￾ments in Child, Youth and Family Policies, 2003: 3). Provision of childcare facilities for toddlers (below 3 years of age) is poor, but the state provides care facilities for somewhat older children (over three years of age) and generous parental leave arrangements that at least in principle allow adult family members to participate in the labour market independent of their parental obliga￾tions (Dienel, 1993: 249). In this respect, Italian family policy includes elements of the dual earner model. How￾ever, these policy measures are not always available at the local level or not accepted by many families. As a consequence, a traditional gendered division of labour is still very common (Saraceno, 2000: 62). One reason for this contradictory result is that mod￾ern aspects of family policy are embedded in a tradi￾tional welfare system that is based on the idea of extended family solidarity. The Italian constitution obliges all citizens to provide alimony and care for fam￾ily members in need.5 Thereby, the state determines ‘family’ as the basic unit of the welfare state. These insti￾tutionalized interdependencies motivate a (gendered) division of labour within the family (Dienel, 1993: 93), although provision is made for public childcare facilities and mothers need not stay at home. In addition, by granting tax deductions for dependent spouses and pro￾viding access to free health care for families with house￾hold incomes below a certain threshold, the state provides monetary incentives for potential secondary earners not at work. Thus, it is harder for secondary earners to establish an autonomous economic basis. After partnership dissolution, women are more likely to benefit from infrastructural efforts: the state privileges employees and single parents in allocating childcare facilities (The Clearinghouse on International Develop￾ments in Child, Youth and Family Policies, 2003: 6). Furthermore, data on labour force participation reveal that there is good provision of jobs for divorced women. Whereas only 30 per cent of all married women are gain￾fully employed, 60 per cent of all divorced women have a job (Eurostat, 2003). Contrary to the divorced women, male breadwinners are able to extend and stabilize their sources of economic independence after partnership dis￾solution. Furthermore, the system of post-marriage ali￾mony is rudimentary compared to the other countries. Claims are not determined by the standard of living experienced during marriage (Timoteo, 1995: 287). All in all, Italy can be assigned to the model of extended family solidarity, because of its rudimentary family pol￾icy and its strong focus on family networks in case of economic problems. Sweden Sweden may be characterized as a country with an extensive family policy. Support for children and com￾pensation for the economic costs of child rearing have been the focus of Swedish policy for decades. The extent of financial support for families is generally very high. Among the five countries, Sweden spends the highest share of GDP on cash benefits to families. There are no special benefits for separated or divorced individuals except an advanced maintenance scheme for children. Theoretically, the law provides spousal maintenance, but in fact it is unusual to make such claims (Saldeen, 1995: 493). Furthermore, various life transitions, which are somewhat critical in terms of income, are financially supported by the state: e.g. founding a home, giving birth to a child, and educating children. There is a lot of support for extended, paid, and job-protected parental leave. Fathers explicitly have the right to paternity leave after birth of a child (this option has already been intro￾duced in 1974) and part of parental leave is reserved for each parent, so that both partners have incentives to take part (Ministry of Health and Social Affairs, 2002: 2). The Swedish welfare system encourages the employ￾ment of women as well as the reconciliation of work and family life for women and men. The Swedish system tra￾ditionally focuses on dual earner families. Women’s employment is nearly as high as men’s, even among married individuals with children below the age of six (Sainsbury, 1999: 217). On the one hand this is due to a socially accepted consensus of gender equity, and on the other hand this is due to a well-established system of