832 Journal of Marriage and Family the rise in divorce and cohabitation,individual- (U.S.Census Bureau,Statistical Abstract of the ism,and an increasing disconnection between United States,2005). childbearing and marriage (Smock).Taken One reason for this valued status is because together,these factors have been described as marriage is closely tied to women's identities. contributing to the deinstitutionalization of mar- Feminists contend that the construction of gender riage in Western cultures(Cherlin,2004). is one of the strongest influences throughout Women who are the focus of this investigation women's life courses (e.g.,Baber Allen, were born during the late 1960s and the early-to 1992),and a powerful way gender is manifested late 1970s,decades in which the median age at is through the institution of marriage.Gender first marriage for women increased gradually.In socialization processes encourage women to 1980,the median age at marriage was 22 years; view relationships as primary,so accordingly, in 1999,it was 25.1 years;and in 2004,the marriage has been and remains strongly con- median age for women was 25.4 years,the oldest nected to women's sense of self(Coontz,2004). in U.S.history (U.S.Census Bureau,Statistical Marriage has become an important source for Abstract of the United States,2005).Since the emotional and personal fulfillment (Cherlin, 1970s,women's family formation patterns have 2004;Smock,2004).If anything,the value of changed considerably.Compared to earlier co- marriage to individuals has appeared to have horts,more women married later or did not marry increased during the same historical time period at all,bore children outside of marriage,and co- that myriad social,economic,and cultural condi- habited.Largely as a result of delayed marital tions seem to serve as disincentives to marriage. entry,increasing proportions of women are sin- Most never-married women want to marry gle,with 41%of women aged 25-29 years (Bock.2000:Frazier.Arikian.Benson.Losoff. and 24%of women aged 30-34 years being Maurer,1996;Fuller,2001).In short,expect- never married (U.S.Census Bureau,Statistical ations regarding the benefits of marriage for in- Abstract of the United States). dividuals have been as great or greater during Many scholars assert that women are opt- the lives of the young women who were the ing either to marry later or to forgo marriage focus of this study as they were in the lives of because of increased economic independence previous cohorts born in the 20th century. (e.g.,Coontz,2004;Gaughan,2002).Given that more women are employed for wages than in the past,it is thought that they have less economic Timing in Lives incentive to marry.Indeed,the women most The social-historical context influences the selec- likely to delay marriage are highly educated,pro- tion and pursuit of goals,such as getting married fessional women(Gaughan).There is some evi- and the timing of when such achievements dence,however,that economic independence is should happen.The life course principle of tim- not an adequate explanation for delayed marriage ing in lives considers that the "developmental (Smock,2004). impact of a succession of life transitions or Coinciding with the growing economic inde- events is contingent on when they occur in a per- pendence of women,there has been an increase son's life"(Elder,1998,p.3).The age when in the number of unmarried couples living individuals experience transitions is likely to together;cohabitation increased 10-fold between affect how they behave,think,and feel (Setters- 1990 and 2000 (U.S.Census Bureau,Statistical ten,1997).For instance,transitions occurring Abstract of the United States,2005).Compared within the normative timeline are accompanied to earlier generations,cohorts of young adults gen- by informal social support and institutionalized erally have been freer to make cohabitation an support,thus promoting successful adaptations acceptable part of the courtship process for mar- to the transitions.Moreover,normative age- riage or an alternative to marriage (Seltzer,2004). related expectations are thought to be powerful Despite the changes in family formation pat- determinants of how individuals perceive and temns in recent decades,ideologies promoting evaluate themselves and others(Elder).Alterna- marriage and motherhood as ideal family config- tively,off-time transitions are linked to in- urations for women remain pervasive and power- creased stress and greater difficulty than on-time ful (Coontz,2004).Being married is a goal for transitions (Settersten Hagestad,1996a). most young women (Thornton Young- Researchers have generally focused on how in- DeMarco,2001),and most Americans marry dividuals think about general cultural timetablesthe rise in divorce and cohabitation, individual￾ism, and an increasing disconnection between childbearing and marriage (Smock). Taken together, these factors have been described as contributing to the deinstitutionalization of mar￾riage in Western cultures (Cherlin, 2004). Women who are the focus of this investigation were born during the late 1960s and the early- to late 1970s, decades in which the median age at first marriage for women increased gradually. In 1980, the median age at marriage was 22 years; in 1999, it was 25.1 years; and in 2004, the median age for women was 25.4 years, the oldest in U.S. history (U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2005). Since the 1970s, women’s family formation patterns have changed considerably. Compared to earlier co￾horts, more women married later or did not marry at all, bore children outside of marriage, and co￾habited. Largely as a result of delayed marital entry, increasing proportions of women are sin￾gle, with 41% of women aged 25 – 29 years and 24% of women aged 30 – 34 years being never married (U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States). Many scholars assert that women are opt￾ing either to marry later or to forgo marriage because of increased economic independence (e.g., Coontz, 2004; Gaughan, 2002). Given that more women are employed for wages than in the past, it is thought that they have less economic incentive to marry. Indeed, the women most likely to delay marriage are highly educated, pro￾fessional women (Gaughan). There is some evi￾dence, however, that economic independence is not an adequate explanation for delayed marriage (Smock, 2004). Coinciding with the growing economic inde￾pendence of women, there has been an increase in the number of unmarried couples living together; cohabitation increased 10-fold between 1990 and 2000 (U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2005). Compared to earlier generations, cohorts of young adults gen￾erally have been freer to make cohabitation an acceptable part of the courtship process for mar￾riage or an alternative to marriage (Seltzer, 2004). Despite the changes in family formation pat￾terns in recent decades, ideologies promoting marriage and motherhood as ideal family config￾urations for women remain pervasive and power￾ful (Coontz, 2004). Being married is a goal for most young women (Thornton & Young￾DeMarco, 2001), and most Americans marry (U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2005). One reason for this valued status is because marriage is closely tied to women’s identities. Feminists contend that the construction of gender is one of the strongest influences throughout women’s life courses (e.g., Baber & Allen, 1992), and a powerful way gender is manifested is through the institution of marriage. Gender socialization processes encourage women to view relationships as primary, so accordingly, marriage has been and remains strongly con￾nected to women’s sense of self (Coontz, 2004). Marriage has become an important source for emotional and personal fulfillment (Cherlin, 2004; Smock, 2004). If anything, the value of marriage to individuals has appeared to have increased during the same historical time period that myriad social, economic, and cultural condi￾tions seem to serve as disincentives to marriage. Most never-married women want to marry (Bock, 2000; Frazier, Arikian, Benson, Losoff, & Maurer, 1996; Fuller, 2001). In short, expect￾ations regarding the benefits of marriage for in￾dividuals have been as great or greater during the lives of the young women who were the focus of this study as they were in the lives of previous cohorts born in the 20th century. Timing in Lives The social-historical context influences the selec￾tion and pursuit of goals, such as getting married and the timing of when such achievements should happen. The life course principle of tim￾ing in lives considers that the ‘‘developmental impact of a succession of life transitions or events is contingent on when they occur in a per￾son’s life’’ (Elder, 1998, p. 3). The age when individuals experience transitions is likely to affect how they behave, think, and feel (Setters￾ten, 1997). For instance, transitions occurring within the normative timeline are accompanied by informal social support and institutionalized support, thus promoting successful adaptations to the transitions. Moreover, normative age￾related expectations are thought to be powerful determinants of how individuals perceive and evaluate themselves and others (Elder). Alterna￾tively, off-time transitions are linked to in￾creased stress and greater difficulty than on-time transitions (Settersten & Hagestad, 1996a). Researchers have generally focused on how in￾dividuals think about general cultural timetables 832 Journal of Marriage and Family