Fong China's One-Child Policy 1101 sterilizations or abortions (Aird 1990; Mosher 1993) Earlier studies attribute much of the male dominance Scholarly studies of the one-child policy have focused on in Chinese societies to parents' preferential treatment of the suffering of women who long for additional children; sons over daughters( Greenhalgh 1985a, 1994b; Salaff are blamed by husbands and parents-in-law for giving 1995; Wolf 1968, 1972). My students' grandparents told birth to singleton daughters instead of sons; and face sur- me that, in their youth, daughters could not live with reillance, gynecological exams, mandatory contraception, their parents after marriage or provide nursing care or eco- fines, and the loss of benefits or jobs(Anagnost 1988, nomic support for their elderly parents. A sig 1995;Greenhalgh and Li 1995; Kaufman 1993; Wolf stacle to equality between daughters and sons in previous 1985). Even some Chinese feminists have expressed alarm generations was the assumption that daughters would not at the problems the one-child policy has caused for moth be able to support their parents in old age. Because of this ers(Greenhalgh 2001). Demographers have found an in- assumption, parents avoided investing family resources in creasingly skewed Chinese gender ratio, which may result daughters from female infanticide, parents' refusal to register daugh- Because most of my students' grandmothers lacked ters, parents' abandonment or lethal neglect of daughters, the financial resources to support their own parents, they sex selection through selective abortion, or some combi- could not contest the cultural expectation that daughters nation of these factors(Arnold and Liu Zhaoxiang 1986; would be less filial than sons. As early as the 1920s, lead Coale and Banister 1994; Johnson 1996; Li Yongping and g Chinese feminists of both genders have advocated Peng Xizhe 2000; Zeng et al. 1993) paid work as a key to womens emancipation (Lan and Fong 1999). Motivated both by feminist ideals and by a I do not discount the suffering caused by the one- child policy. However, i think a balanced view of the ef- desire to mobilize womens labor for national development, the Communist government began providing women fects of the policy must also take into account the ways in with employment opportunities soon after it took control which the low fertility produced by that policy has em of China in 1949. Yet many of my students' grandmothers powered urban daughters. As scholars working in other told me that they were too busy bearing and rearing chil- Chinese cities have pointed out(Gates 1993; Milwertz dren to take advantage of these opportunities. According 1997), the one-child policy seldom results in extreme acts to the high school and junior high school students I sur- of enforcement or resistance in urban areas, in which de- veyed in 1999, 81 percent(N= 1,998)of their fathers and sire for high fertility is far less intense than in rural areas 2 percent (N= 2,006)of their mothers had at least three While medical techniques for detecting the sex of fetuses siblings who survived infancy. "I got up at dawn, and by have been available (although illegal) in Dalian since the the time I had shopped, cooked, cleaned, and sewed clothes 1980s, the mothers of boys I tutored denied ever having for my five children, the sun would be down, "a grand sed abortion to avoid having daughters and maintained mother told me. Who would have done these things if I that only farmers would do this. Among my survey re- had gotten a job? Grandmothers were far more likely spondents, boys' parents were indeed more likely than than their husbands or children to have remained unem- girls'parents to have lived in rural areas. While I heard ployed all their lives rumors about farmers committing infanticide, physically The maternity leaves and medical problems caused by forcing women to undergo sterilizations or abortions, or frequent childbearing also hindered the careers of those abandoning or lethally neglecting daughters, I never women who did paid work during the 1950s and 1960s. "I heard of such abuses occurring in Dalian. Most Dalian par got to work upstairs in the factory office because I had ents I knew told me that it was acceptable to have just one gone to school, but I couldn't take a position of responsi- child, even if that child was female, and some even told bility because I always had to take time off when I got they were glad they had daughters instead of sons. pregnant, a grandmother told me. "After my fourth child They knew from their own experience that daughters my health was bad all the time, and I had to quit my job could fulfill the filial obligations once reserved for sons Grandmothers were far less likely than their husbands or Unlike their rural counterparts, my female students' par- children to work as cadres, managers, or white-collar workers ents were not desperate to have sons at any cost. at any point in their lives Many scholars writing about women's status in China THE LEGACY OF LOW-FERTILITY MOTHERS (Honig and Hershatter 1988; Stacey 1983; Wolf 1985)and elsewhere (Goldman 1993: Hochschild and Machung My students' mothers were able to begin the transforma- 1989 Molyneux 1985; Randall 1992; Steil 1995: Stockman tion of their societys kinship system from a patrilineal, et al. 1995)have argued that working women are bur- patrilateral, and patrilocal one to a bilineal, bilateral, and dened by having to work both a"first shift"of paid work neolocal one. This was at least partly because of the paid and a"second shift"of housework. Yet the single shift of work their low fertility enabled them to do. Paid work en- housework that a housewife did to take care of numerous abled women to provide their own parents with financial children in the 1950s and 1960s seems at least as exhaust- support in old age and, thus, prove that daughters could ing and time consuming as the combined first and second be as filial as sons hints of an employed mother who only had to take care ofsterilizations or abortions (Aird 1990; Mosher 1993). Scholarly studies of the one-child policy have focused on the suffering of women who long for additional children; are blamed by husbands and parents-in-law for giving birth to singleton daughters instead of sons; and face sur￾veillance, gynecological exams, mandatory contraception, fines, and the loss of benefits or jobs (Anagnost 1988, 1995; Greenhalgh and Li 1995; Kaufman 1993; Wolf 1985). Even some Chinese feminists have expressed alarm at the problems the one-child policy has caused for moth￾ers (Greenhalgh 2001). Demographers have found an in￾creasingly skewed Chinese gender ratio, which may result from female infanticide, parents’ refusal to register daugh￾ters, parents’ abandonment or lethal neglect of daughters, sex selection through selective abortion, or some combi￾nation of these factors (Arnold and Liu Zhaoxiang 1986; Coale and Banister 1994; Johnson 1996; Li Yongping and Peng Xizhe 2000; Zeng et al. 1993). I do not discount the suffering caused by the one￾child policy. However, I think a balanced view of the ef￾fects of the policy must also take into account the ways in which the low fertility produced by that policy has em￾powered urban daughters. As scholars working in other Chinese cities have pointed out (Gates 1993; Milwertz 1997), the one-child policy seldom results in extreme acts of enforcement or resistance in urban areas, in which de￾sire for high fertility is far less intense than in rural areas. While medical techniques for detecting the sex of fetuses have been available (although illegal) in Dalian since the 1980s, the mothers of boys I tutored denied ever having used abortion to avoid having daughters and maintained that only farmers would do this. Among my survey re￾spondents, boys’ parents were indeed more likely than girls’ parents to have lived in rural areas.3 While I heard rumors about farmers committing infanticide, physically forcing women to undergo sterilizations or abortions, or abandoning or lethally neglecting daughters, I never heard of such abuses occurring in Dalian. Most Dalian par￾ents I knew told me that it was acceptable to have just one child, even if that child was female, and some even told me they were glad they had daughters instead of sons. They knew from their own experience that daughters could fulfill the filial obligations once reserved for sons. Unlike their rural counterparts, my female students’ par￾ents were not desperate to have sons at any cost. THE LEGACY OF LOW-FERTILITY MOTHERS My students’ mothers were able to begin the transforma￾tion of their society’s kinship system from a patrilineal, patrilateral, and patrilocal one to a bilineal, bilateral, and neolocal one. This was at least partly because of the paid work their low fertility enabled them to do. Paid work en￾abled women to provide their own parents with financial support in old age and, thus, prove that daughters could be as filial as sons. Earlier studies attribute much of the male dominance in Chinese societies to parents’ preferential treatment of sons over daughters (Greenhalgh 1985a, 1994b; Salaff 1995; Wolf 1968, 1972). My students’ grandparents told me that, in their youth, daughters could not live with their parents after marriage or provide nursing care or eco￾nomic support for their elderly parents. A significant ob￾stacle to equality between daughters and sons in previous generations was the assumption that daughters would not be able to support their parents in old age. Because of this assumption, parents avoided investing family resources in daughters. Because most of my students’ grandmothers lacked the financial resources to support their own parents, they could not contest the cultural expectation that daughters would be less filial than sons. As early as the 1920s, lead￾ing Chinese feminists of both genders have advocated paid work as a key to women’s emancipation (Lan and Fong 1999). Motivated both by feminist ideals and by a desire to mobilize women’s labor for national development, the Communist government began providing women with employment opportunities soon after it took control of China in 1949. Yet many of my students’ grandmothers told me that they were too busy bearing and rearing chil￾dren to take advantage of these opportunities. According to the high school and junior high school students I sur￾veyed in 1999, 81 percent (N = 1,998) of their fathers and 82 percent (N = 2,006) of their mothers had at least three siblings who survived infancy. “I got up at dawn, and by the time I had shopped, cooked, cleaned, and sewed clothes for my five children, the sun would be down,” a grand￾mother told me. “Who would have done these things if I had gotten a job?” Grandmothers were far more likely than their husbands or children to have remained unem￾ployed all their lives.4 The maternity leaves and medical problems caused by frequent childbearing also hindered the careers of those women who did paid work during the 1950s and 1960s. “I got to work upstairs in the factory office because I had gone to school, but I couldn’t take a position of responsi￾bility because I always had to take time off when I got pregnant,” a grandmother told me. “After my fourth child, my health was bad all the time, and I had to quit my job.” Grandmothers were far less likely than their husbands or children to work as cadres, managers, or white-collar workers at any point in their lives.5 Many scholars writing about women’s status in China (Honig and Hershatter 1988; Stacey 1983; Wolf 1985) and elsewhere (Goldman 1993; Hochschild and Machung 1989; Molyneux 1985; Randall 1992; Steil 1995; Stockman et al. 1995) have argued that working women are bur￾dened by having to work both a “first shift” of paid work and a “second shift” of housework. Yet the single shift of housework that a housewife did to take care of numerous children in the 1950s and 1960s seems at least as exhaust￾ing and time consuming as the combined first and second shifts of an employed mother who only had to take care of Fong • China’s One-Child Policy 1101