134 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW less advantageous"(p.55).Becker's theory in recent decades.Income growth since 1960 thus implies that having a good position in was greater for women than for men,and the the labor market will most likely increase proportion of women in the labor force has marriage among men but reduce marriage increased dramatically since 1960,particu- among women,again,all else held constant. larly among women who are white,married, Yet in her "career-entry"theory,Oppen- or who have young children.I Men,however, heimer(1988)suggests that changing condi- experienced some decline in labor supply tions in the labor market have fundamentally during this period (Wetzel 1995).Perhaps altered the nature of the marital bargain. not surprisingly,gender role attitudes in the Consistent with demography's historical em- United States also have changed since the phasis on the perceived economic feasibility 1960s,with an increasing proportion of the of marriage (e.g.,Dixon 1971;Easterlin population holding egalitarian sex role atti- 1980;Hajnal1965;Malthus[1798]1988), tudes (Barich and Bielby 1996;Thornton Oppenheimer argues that a certain standard 1989). of living must be obtained before marriage Changing consumption patterns also alter is considered affordable.In historical peri- the economic context of marriage.As ods when women are not expected to remain Bumpass (1990)stated in his presidential attached to the labor market throughout their address to the Population Association of lives,male labor market position is the key America,"[E]conomic need is a highly economic determinant of marriage.As amorphous concept,always seeming to out- women's patterns of labor force participation strip what we have"(p.489).Members of come to more closely resemble those of men. the baby-boom generation may expect a high however,Oppenheimer argues that the char- and rising standard of living based on expe- acteristics considered important in a spouse riences growing up in the relatively prosper- become more symmetrical for husbands and ous 1960s and early 1970s (Jones 1980).Re- wives.In particular,potential wives are in- cent declines in male earnings may increase creasingly evaluated on the basis of their the perceived necessity of a second income. own achieved socioeconomic status and fu- To the extent that owning a home symbol- ture labor market prospects,rather than on izes the middle-class lifestyle,rising hous- the basis of more traditional characteristics ing costs have further made this standard in- such as religion,family background,and creasingly difficult to achieve for a single- physical attractiveness.The "career-entry' earner family (Wetzel 1995).The economic perspective thus implies a positive effect of costs associated with raising children have women's good economic prospects on mar- also increased in recent decades (Casper riage,as well as growth over time in the im- 1995;England and Folbre 1999). portance of women's economic prospects for Taken together,these trends suggest marriage formation.As women's economic growth in the importance of wives'labor position improves,and as women can expect market position for marriage,but have am- to make increasingly large contributions to biguous implications for husbands'labor the economic maintenance of their families, market position.The combination of some we might further expect that male labor mar- decline in male economic standing with im- ket position would become somewhat less provements in standing among women sug- important for marriage formation.Indeed. gests that men's labor market position may Oppenheimer and Lew (1995)suggest that have become less important for marriage .the expectation of a regular work ca- formation.Yet changing patterns of con- reer may enable some women to 'afford'to sumption and the perceived economic re- marry a man who is unlikely to be a great quirements of supporting a family at an"ad- provider but who is desirable in other re- spects'”(p.109). I Although I consider entry into first marriage among single women,the changing economic THE CHANGING CONTEXT OF MARRIAGE roles of married men and women will affect both Much evidence supports the argument that what is valued in a partner and the level of eco- the economic context of marriage has shifted nomic achievement perceived to be necessary be- fore marriage. This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon,12 Aug 2013 19:18:11 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions134 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW less advantageous" (p. 55). Becker's theory thus implies that having a good position in the labor market will most likely increase marriage among men but reduce marriage among women, again, all else held constant. Yet in her "career-entry" theory, Oppen￾heimer (1988) suggests that changing condi￾tions in the labor market have fundamentally altered the nature of the marital bargain. Consistent with demography's historical em￾phasis on the perceived economic feasibility of marriage (e.g., Dixon 1971; Easterlin 1980; Hajnal 1965; Malthus [1798] 1988), Oppenheimer argues that a certain standard of living must be obtained before marriage is considered affordable. In historical peri￾ods when women are not expected to remain attached to the labor market throughout their lives, male labor market position is the key economic determinant of marriage. As women's patterns of labor force participation come to more closely resemble those of men, however, Oppenheimer argues that the char￾acteristics considered important in a spouse become more symmetrical for husbands and wives. In particular, potential wives are in￾creasingly evaluated on the basis of their own achieved socioeconomic status and fu￾ture labor market prospects, rather than on the basis of more traditional characteristics such as religion, family background, and physical attractiveness. The "career-entry" perspective thus implies a positive effect of women's good economic prospects on mar￾riage, as well as growth over time in the im￾portance of women's economic prospects for marriage formation. As women's economic position improves, and as women can expect to make increasingly large contributions to the economic maintenance of their families, we might further expect that male labor mar￾ket position would become somewhat less important for marriage formation. Indeed, Oppenheimer and Lew (1995) suggest that ".... the expectation of a regular work ca￾reer may enable some women to 'afford' to marry a man who is unlikely to be a great provider but who is desirable in other re￾spects" (p. 109). THE CHANGING CONTEXT OF MARRIAGE Much evidence supports the argument that the economic context of marriage has shifted in recent decades. Income growth since 1960 was greater for women than for men, and the proportion of women in the labor force has increased dramatically since 1960, particu￾larly among women who are white, married, or who have young children. I Men, however, experienced some decline in labor supply during this period (Wetzel 1995). Perhaps not surprisingly, gender role attitudes in the United States also have changed since the 1960s, with an increasing proportion of the population holding egalitarian sex role atti￾tudes (Barich and Bielby 1996; Thornton 1989). Changing consumption patterns also alter the economic context of marriage. As Bumpass (1990) stated in his presidential address to the Population Association of America, "[Elconomic need is a highly amorphous concept, always seeming to out￾strip what we have" (p. 489). Members of the baby-boom generation may expect a high and rising standard of living based on expe￾riences growing up in the relatively prosper￾ous 1960s and early 1970s (Jones 1980). Re￾cent declines in male earnings may increase the perceived necessity of a second income. To the extent that owning a home symbol￾izes the middle-class lifestyle, rising hous￾ing costs have further made this standard in￾creasingly difficult to achieve for a single￾earner family (Wetzel 1995). The economic costs associated with raising children have also increased in recent decades (Casper 1995; England and Folbre 1999). Taken together, these trends suggest growth in the importance of wives' labor market position for marriage, but have am￾biguous implications for husbands' labor market position. The combination of some decline in male economic standing with im￾provements in standing among women sug￾gests that men's labor market position may have become less important for marriage formation. Yet changing patterns of con￾sumption and the perceived economic re￾quirements of supporting a family at an "ad- ' Although I consider entry into first marriage among single women, the changing economic roles of married men and women will affect both what is valued in a partner and the level of eco￾nomic achievement perceived to be necessary be￾fore marriage. This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 12 Aug 2013 19:18:11 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions