UNESCO 575 24 22、 20- 18- 16 saiens jo jaqwnN 14一 12- 0 6一 4- 2一 0 0.0-1.01.0-202.0-3.03.0-4.04.0-5.05.0-6.06.0-7.07.0-8.08.0+ Percentage GNP spent on defense FIGURE 4.Defense spending as a percentage of gross national product (GNP)at the time of science policy adoption Gilpin,seems also to have been prompted by security and competitiveness concerns,albeit of a more general nature since the French were concerned about a general loss of influence in the world,especially vis-a-vis the United States.14 But how do we explain the creation of science policy organizations in more than a hundred other states covering the extremes of science capacity, development levels,and military situations in the subsequent twenty years? Countries as dissimilar as Bulgaria,Czechoslovakia,El Salvador,the Federal Republic of Germany,Indonesia,Italy,Lebanon,Mali,Pakistan,and Sweden all created their first science policy bureaucracy during the peak adoption year of1962.15 It will be argued below that these two phenomena,the apparent responsive- ness to state conditions in a few early-adopting states followed by a pattern of adoption unrelated to state conditions,can be reconciled in the following way: science policy bureaucracies appeared as an innovation in the international system in response to clear domestic demands in a few prominent developed countries.The innovation was then picked up and popularized by an interna- tional organization,UNESCO,for reasons of its own and spread by that 14.Gilpin,France in the Age of the Scientific State. 15."Peak adoption year"in this case means the single year in which the largest number of states created these science policy bureaucracies.UNESCO 575 24—| 22 — 20 — 18 — 16 — 14— 10 — 8 — 6 — 4 — 2 — 0 0.0-1.0 1.0-2.0 2.0-3.0 3.0-4.0 4.0-5.0 5.0-6.0 6.0-7.0 7.0-8.0 8.0+ Percentage GNP spent on defense FIGURE 4. Defense spending as a percentage of gross national product (GNP) at the time of science policy adoption Gilpin, seems also to have been prompted by security and competitiveness concerns, albeit of a more general nature since the French were concerned about a general loss of influence in the world, especially vis-a-vis the United States.14 But how do we explain the creation of science policy organizations in more than a hundred other states covering the extremes of science capacity, development levels, and military situations in the subsequent twenty years? Countries as dissimilar as Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, El Salvador, the Federal Republic of Germany, Indonesia, Italy, Lebanon, Mali, Pakistan, and Sweden all created their first science policy bureaucracy during the peak adoption year ofl962.15 It will be argued below that these two phenomena, the apparent responsive￾ness to state conditions in a few early-adopting states followed by a pattern of adoption unrelated to state conditions, can be reconciled in the following way: science policy bureaucracies appeared as an innovation in the international system in response to clear domestic demands in a few prominent developed countries. The innovation was then picked up and popularized by an interna￾tional organization, UNESCO, for reasons of its own and spread by that 14. Gilpin, France in the Age of the Scientific State. 15. "Peak adoption year" in this case means the single year in which the largest number of states created these science policy bureaucracies