Voluntas heavily on the mobilizing structure of Beijing ADV organizations,which either initiated or championed the actions and formed dynamic but stable coalitions to organize them.This tactical innovation,although resting on the organizations' existing mobilizing structure,differed sharply from previous mobilizing tactics. Until the introduction of this innovation,ADV organizations'mobilization was supportive to the CCP efforts,directed predominately toward policy elites and aimed at establishing the professional organizations as legal advisors on DV.The performance art advocacy,although framed as CCP-supportive events,consciously used publicly disruptive elements to gain media attention and thereby reach a different target group:the public.This mobilization aimed at creating public pressure for improved legal protection against DV.In this sense,performance art advocacy is an important addition to previous tactics,since it broadens the target group of Beijing ADV mobilization. Although alleged to create broad media coverage,the representation of the events in the media was relatively low and did not lead to long-lasting discussions on DV. The initial actions led to duplicates by independent volunteers all over China and in this sense had a huge impact on the ADV movement:the mobilization of the public, nationwide.Every year,independent volunteers revitalize these actions during the 16 days of Action Against Gender Violence.This indicates strong connections between the Beijing ADV movement and the international women's movement. Activists use international campaigns as a source of inspiration,as well as to increase their legitimacy by associating their actions with them.What is more,it also indicates that the activists changed their general tactical approach,which was initially mostly directed at policy elites.With performance art advocacy,they turn now to the mobilization of the public to rally broad support.Although this may appear contradictory for a semi-authoritarian context at first sight,it is most logical for the PRC case.The CCP can,but prefers not to,act against obvious social needs. If DV is a hot public topic,the party is much more inclined to progress legal improvements in this area. The motivations of the participating activists differ from the previously dominant experts.They are neither experts in the field,nor do they have personal experiences of DV.They are,however,aware of continuing gender inequalities and perceive DV to be a result of these inequalities.The level of awareness of DV seems to have risen in recent years,perhaps motivating young citizens to demand improved legal protection against DV.From this perspective,the use of performance art advocacy not only leads to a broadening of the ADV movement's target audience,but also, through its inclusive and relatively inexpensive nature,enables the engagement of a broader activist base. Appendix:Interviews Interview 1:Beijing,August 2012,Co-Founder and Legal Expert,Organization B Interview 2:Beijing,January 2012,Founder and Legal Expert,Organization C Interview 3:Beijing,August 2012,Professor of Social Policies Interview 4:Beijing,August 2012,Administrative Director,Organization B 2Springerheavily on the mobilizing structure of Beijing ADV organizations, which either initiated or championed the actions and formed dynamic but stable coalitions to organize them. This tactical innovation, although resting on the organizations’ existing mobilizing structure, differed sharply from previous mobilizing tactics. Until the introduction of this innovation, ADV organizations’ mobilization was supportive to the CCP efforts, directed predominately toward policy elites and aimed at establishing the professional organizations as legal advisors on DV. The performance art advocacy, although framed as CCP-supportive events, consciously used publicly disruptive elements to gain media attention and thereby reach a different target group: the public. This mobilization aimed at creating public pressure for improved legal protection against DV. In this sense, performance art advocacy is an important addition to previous tactics, since it broadens the target group of Beijing ADV mobilization. Although alleged to create broad media coverage, the representation of the events in the media was relatively low and did not lead to long-lasting discussions on DV. The initial actions led to duplicates by independent volunteers all over China and in this sense had a huge impact on the ADV movement: the mobilization of the public, nationwide. Every year, independent volunteers revitalize these actions during the 16 days of Action Against Gender Violence. This indicates strong connections between the Beijing ADV movement and the international women’s movement. Activists use international campaigns as a source of inspiration, as well as to increase their legitimacy by associating their actions with them. What is more, it also indicates that the activists changed their general tactical approach, which was initially mostly directed at policy elites. With performance art advocacy, they turn now to the mobilization of the public to rally broad support. Although this may appear contradictory for a semi-authoritarian context at first sight, it is most logical for the PRC case. The CCP can, but prefers not to, act against obvious social needs. If DV is a hot public topic, the party is much more inclined to progress legal improvements in this area. The motivations of the participating activists differ from the previously dominant experts. They are neither experts in the field, nor do they have personal experiences of DV. They are, however, aware of continuing gender inequalities and perceive DV to be a result of these inequalities. The level of awareness of DV seems to have risen in recent years, perhaps motivating young citizens to demand improved legal protection against DV. From this perspective, the use of performance art advocacy not only leads to a broadening of the ADV movement’s target audience, but also, through its inclusive and relatively inexpensive nature, enables the engagement of a broader activist base. Appendix: Interviews Interview 1: Beijing, August 2012, Co-Founder and Legal Expert, Organization B Interview 2: Beijing, January 2012, Founder and Legal Expert, Organization C Interview 3: Beijing, August 2012, Professor of Social Policies Interview 4: Beijing, August 2012, Administrative Director, Organization B Voluntas 123