MALE LOSERS AND WINNERS AFTER SEPARATION/DIVORCE 247 data from the 1970s"decade of divorce"gen- An understanding of the financial after- erally found that men lost a small share of math of union dissolution for men requires their nominal income and enjoyed an in- knowledge of the mechanisms that contrib- crease in their standard of living following ute to change in economic status.Men's out- divorce or separation(Duncan and Hoffman comes depend not only on changes in house- 1985;Hoffman 1977;Sorensen 1992).But hold composition and the loss of partner's findings from more recent evidence are less income,but also on the extent to which state uniform.Two studies report post-disruption welfare policy-via tax and transfer pro- declines in men's living standards,or mixed grams-targets family formation and disso- results depending on the equivalence scale lution.Men's outcomes also depend on the used to calculate changes in standard of liv- characteristics of American family law (in- ing (Burkhauser et al.1990,1991).Another cluding enforcement practices)that affect study finds substantial gains in economic the size of mandatory support payments to well-being among separating men,but limits the ex-partner or to children.Finally,men's the scope of the study to noncustodial fathers outcomes are affected by“voluntary”cash (Bianchi,Subaiya and Kahn 1999).Two re- payments to their former partners (Edin and cent studies also find gains in per capita in- Lein 1997).Despite the potential importance come for separating men,but these studies of these mechanisms in determining men's limit the scope to men who were married to economic status following separation,only young women and do not report changes in a handful of studies address the impact of living standards using conventional equiva- the welfare state (Burkhauser et al.1990, lence scales (Smock 1993,1994). 1991),and a few more take compulsory fam- We believe it is time to reassess the finan- ily-support payments into account(Bianchi cial consequences of union dissolution for et al.1999;Burkhauser et al.1990,1991; men.The disparity between early research Duncan and Hoffman 1985;Smock 1994). and some recent research may indicate a These studies,however,are hampered either temporal shift in the financial consequences by inadequate coverage of the population of of union dissolution for men.More impor- separating men (e.g.,by restricting the study tant,recent research suggests a great deal of to noncustodial fathers),or by the use of in- heterogeneity in these consequences.Recent sufficiently broad measures of post-separa- demographic trends,including the decline in tion transfers. marital fertility,the rise in cohabitation,and The analyses presented here provide the the increase in stepfamily households,all first comprehensive and systematic assess- contribute to an increasing diversity of ment of the impact of market and nonmarket couple-headed households.The rise in mechanisms on men's financial outcomes women's labor force participation and the following union dissolution.They are de- decline in the gender gap in earnings signed to answer the following questions:(1) (Bernhardt,Morris,and Handcock 1995) Do men typically experience an increase or have increased women's economic contribu- a decrease in their standard of living follow- tions to the household,especially during the ing separation?(2)Is the economic impact 1980s (Hayghe 1993).More than ever be- of separation fairly uniform across men,or fore,men face the risk that separation will is there substantial heterogeneity in their impose a substantial financial burden in the outcomes?(3)How is the economic impact form of the loss of partner's income.At the of separation on men structured by market, same time,fathers may be assuming a larger welfare state,legal,and voluntaristic level- role in the post-disruption financial support ing mechanisms? of their children than was the case during the 1970s.National efforts to reform and en- LEVELING MECHANISMS force child-support decrees,along with a gradual increase in the rate of paternal and Men are often seen as economic winners in joint physical custody of children(Garfinkel a separation scenario in which material re- et al.1998),suggest that fathers may be less sources and financial obligations are un- likely to realize substantial material gains equally distributed between the two ex-part- from separation and divorce. ners.But any potential economic windfall This content downloaded from 129.96.252.188 on Mon,15 Feb 2016 15:26:54 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMALE LOSERS AND WINNERS AFTER SEPARATION/DIVORCE 247 data from the 1970s "decade of divorce" gen￾erally found that men lost a small share of their nominal income and enjoyed an in￾crease in their standard of living following divorce or separation (Duncan and Hoffman 1985; Hoffman 1977; Sorensen 1992). But findings from more recent evidence are less uniform. Two studies report post-disruption declines in men's living standards, or mixed results depending on the equivalence scale used to calculate changes in standard of liv￾ing (Burkhauser et al. 1990, 1991). Another study finds substantial gains in economic well-being among separating men, but limits the scope of the study to noncustodial fathers (Bianchi, Subaiya and Kahn 1999). Two re￾cent studies also find gains in per capita in￾come for separating men, but these studies limit the scope to men who were married to young women and do not report changes in living standards using conventional equiva￾lence scales (Smock 1993, 1994). We believe it is time to reassess the finan￾cial consequences of union dissolution for men. The disparity between early research and some recent research may indicate a temporal shift in the financial consequences of union dissolution for men. More impor￾tant, recent research suggests a great deal of heterogeneity in these consequences. Recent demographic trends, including the decline in marital fertility, the rise in cohabitation, and the increase in stepfamily households, all contribute to an increasing diversity of couple-headed households. The rise in women's labor force participation and the decline in the gender gap in earnings (Bernhardt, Morris, and Handcock 1995) have increased women's economic contribu￾tions to the household, especially during the 1980s (Hayghe 1993). More than ever be￾fore, men face the risk that separation will impose a substantial financial burden in the form of the loss of partner's income. At the same time, fathers may be assuming a larger role in the post-disruption financial support of their children than was the case during the 1970s. National efforts to reform and en￾force child-support decrees, along with a gradual increase in the rate of paternal and joint physical custody of children (Garfinkel et al. 1998), suggest that fathers may be less likely to realize substantial material gains from separation and divorce. An understanding of the financial after￾math of union dissolution for men requires knowledge of the mechanisms that contrib￾ute to change in economic status. Men's out￾comes depend not only on changes in house￾hold composition and the loss of partner's income, but also on the extent to which state welfare policy-via tax and transfer pro￾grams-targets family formation and disso￾lution. Men's outcomes also depend on the characteristics of American family law (in￾cluding enforcement practices) that affect the size of mandatory support payments to the ex-partner or to children. Finally, men's outcomes are affected by "voluntary" cash payments to their former partners (Edin and Lein 1997). Despite the potential importance of these mechanisms in determining men's economic status following separation, only a handful of studies address the impact of the welfare state (Burkhauser et al. 1990, 1991), and a few more take compulsory fam￾ily-support payments into account (Bianchi et al. 1999; Burkhauser et al. 1990, 1991; Duncan and Hoffman 1985; Smock 1994). These studies, however, are hampered either by inadequate coverage of the population of separating men (e.g., by restricting the study to noncustodial fathers), or by the use of in￾sufficiently broad measures of post-separa￾tion transfers. The analyses presented here provide the first comprehensive and systematic assess￾ment of the impact of market and nonmarket mechanisms on men's financial outcomes following union dissolution. They are de￾signed to answer the following questions: (1) Do men typically experience an increase or a decrease in their standard of living follow￾ing separation? (2) Is the economic impact of separation fairly uniform across men, or is there substantial heterogeneity in their outcomes? (3) How is the economic impact of separation on men structured by market, welfare state, legal, and voluntaristic level￾ing mechanisms? LEVELING MECHANISMS Men are often seen as economic winners in a separation scenario in which material re￾sources and financial obligations are un￾equally distributed between the two ex-part￾ners. But any potential economic windfall This content downloaded from 129.96.252.188 on Mon, 15 Feb 2016 15:26:54 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions