Ryan D.Enos and Noam Gidron particular,strategic behavior in situations like the tion and are subject to discrimination by state institu- public goods game may not reflect prejudicial atti- tions (Okun and Friedlander 2005). tudes like preferences for exclusion-after all,a central There is long-standing research on Israeli public premise of both cognitive psychology and behavioral opinion about both domestic and international Jewish- economics is that the mind is characterized by two sys- Arab tensions(Smooha 1987,1992,2002,2004:Gubler tems (Kahneman 2003),one of which makes the fast, and Kalmoe 2015;Gubler,Halperin,and Hirschberger heuristic decisions associated with affective associa- 2015:Zeitzoff 2014.2016).with clear evidence for tions,like exclusionary preferences,and another which widespread prejudice toward PCI.Pedahzur and Yishai makes the slower,more deliberate decisions that char- (1999)document"deep resentment toward the Arabs," acterize strategic choice.The latter system is known to with 56.5%of Jewish respondents in their sample op- overrule the former when the stakes are high.Labora- posed to granting Arab and Jewish citizens equal so- tory cooperation games are intentionally made to be cial rights.Bar and Zussman (2017)show that around costly and invoke this sort of strategic behavior. 40%of Jewish Israelis would be willing to pay more to Indeed,there are real-world examples of the separa- receive services from Jewish workers rather than from tion of strongly held prejudices and cooperative behav- Arab workers and Zussman(2013)reports that more ior in costly situations.For example.Axelrod (2006). than half of the respondents in his sample would prefer drawing on the logic of the public goods game.de- not to have an Arab neighbor. scribes the system by which opposing forces in World The PCI are not only a national-religious minority War I,despite the presumably strong feelings involved, within a state defined by Jewish nationality;they are 元 developed cooperative systems of"live and let live"to also often perceived as a security threat or a "fifth col- avoid the devastating costs of trench warfare umn"in the context of Israel's armed conflicts with In the face of these contrasting theoretical intuitions its surrounding Arab neighbors(Canetti-Nisim,Ariely, and empirical findings,our analyses take the first step and Halperin 2008).Smooha(2004)shows that a sub- toward showing that exclusion and cooperation are stantial share of Jewish Israelis believe that PCI sup- strongly related and,as such,further shed light on the port terrorism and may rebel against Israel in the fu- challenges that diversifying societies face in overcom- ture.This makes the case of exclusion of PCI poten- ing barriers for cooperation.Because we cannot ran- tially informative for thinking about minority groups domly assign a preference for exclusion,we cannot,of elsewhere:perceptions of security threats affect atti- course,speak directly to the causal effect of exclusion- tudes toward Muslim immigrants to Western countries ary attitudes on cooperation.However,even though (Hellwig and Sinno 2016)and stereotypes of orga- demonstrating so is not our focus,we do show that ex- nized,even transnational,criminality are often asso- clusionary attitudes can be characterized by associa- ciated with Latin American immigrants to the United tions that suggest they are developed early in life and States.Furthermore,the situation of a minority group are,therefore,causally prior to cooperative behavior. having cultural and familial ties to neighboring states 是 can also be found elsewhere,again such as with Latino INTERGROUP RELATIONS IN ISRAEL immigrants to the United States. We focus on the general issue of exclusion by Jewish With its high levels of diversity along multiple dimen- Israelis toward PCI,but also on the particular ques- 5.501g sions,Israel provides a fertile case for the study of in- tion of the attitudes of ultra-Orthodox Jews.Ultra- tergroup relations.While there are,of course,unique Orthodox Jews are distinctive among the Jewish ma- features of Israeli society,it is a case that is useful in jority because of their religious and social traditions understanding social dynamics in other societies that including low formal education and widespread non- are becoming increasingly heterogeneous.As Canetti- participation in the workforce,resulting in a popula- Nisim,Ariely,and Halperin (2008,92)write,"Israel's tion that is substantially poorer than the general Jew- ethno-national character as a Jewish state,the ongoing ish population.Furthermore,there are also barriers Arab-Israeli conflict,and the complex relations be- for cooperation between the ultra-Orthodox and the tween Jews and Arabs in Israel [...have turned Israel rest of the Israeli Jewish population(Enos and Gidron into a laboratory conducive to the study of the devel- 2016).The ultra-Orthodox thus present an informative opment of negative political attitudes toward various point of reference in their relations with the PCI be- minority groups.' cause they are,arguably,close to PCI on a social hi- We focus on intergroup relations between Jewish erarchy.According to prominent social-psychological and PCI,a highly salient social-political cleavage de- theories,they may therefore hold more exclusionary fined on religious and nationalistic lines.PCI con- attitudes due to greater perceived threat to their rel- stitute around 20%of the Israeli population.As a ative status (Blumer 1958;Bobo and Hutchings 1996; marginalized minority.the PCI are characterized by a Sidanius and Pratto 2001).Competition over resources low socioeconomic status and labor market participa- is often most relevant to the low-income portion of a majority group that shares social welfare institutions L with low-status minority groups (Bobo and Hutch- 7 Note that we examine Israeli-Jews'attitudes and behaviors toward ings 1996).3 Of course,less well-off subgroups of the PCI,as opposed to non-citizen Palestinians or citizens of neighboring Arab countries,the West Bank and Gaza.For research on Israeli- Jews'attitudes toward non-citizen Arabs,see Inbar and Yuchtman- 8 Although,notably,in the Israeli context,ultra-Orthodox and PCI Yaar(1986).The 20%figure does not include the West Bank or Gaza are largely institutionally separated,so competition over institutions populations. such as schools is not present. 746Ryan D. Enos and Noam Gidron particular, strategic behavior in situations like the public goods game may not reflect prejudicial atti￾tudes like preferences for exclusion—after all, a central premise of both cognitive psychology and behavioral economics is that the mind is characterized by two sys￾tems (Kahneman 2003), one of which makes the fast, heuristic decisions associated with affective associa￾tions, like exclusionary preferences, and another which makes the slower, more deliberate decisions that char￾acterize strategic choice. The latter system is known to overrule the former when the stakes are high. Labora￾tory cooperation games are intentionally made to be costly and invoke this sort of strategic behavior. Indeed, there are real-world examples of the separa￾tion of strongly held prejudices and cooperative behav￾ior in costly situations. For example, Axelrod (2006), drawing on the logic of the public goods game, de￾scribes the system by which opposing forces in World War I, despite the presumably strong feelings involved, developed cooperative systems of “live and let live” to avoid the devastating costs of trench warfare. In the face of these contrasting theoretical intuitions and empirical findings, our analyses take the first step toward showing that exclusion and cooperation are strongly related and, as such, further shed light on the challenges that diversifying societies face in overcom￾ing barriers for cooperation. Because we cannot ran￾domly assign a preference for exclusion, we cannot, of course, speak directly to the causal effect of exclusion￾ary attitudes on cooperation. However, even though demonstrating so is not our focus, we do show that ex￾clusionary attitudes can be characterized by associa￾tions that suggest they are developed early in life and are, therefore, causally prior to cooperative behavior. INTERGROUP RELATIONS IN ISRAEL With its high levels of diversity along multiple dimen￾sions, Israel provides a fertile case for the study of in￾tergroup relations. While there are, of course, unique features of Israeli society, it is a case that is useful in understanding social dynamics in other societies that are becoming increasingly heterogeneous. As Canetti￾Nisim, Ariely, and Halperin (2008, 92) write, “Israel’s ethno-national character as a Jewish state, the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict, [and] the complex relations be￾tween Jews and Arabs in Israel [...] have turned Israel into a laboratory conducive to the study of the devel￾opment of negative political attitudes toward various minority groups.” We focus on intergroup relations between Jewish and PCI, a highly salient social-political cleavage de￾fined on religious and nationalistic lines. PCI con￾stitute around 20% of the Israeli population.7 As a marginalized minority, the PCI are characterized by a low socioeconomic status and labor market participa- 7 Note that we examine Israeli-Jews’ attitudes and behaviors toward PCI, as opposed to non-citizen Palestinians or citizens of neighboring Arab countries, the West Bank and Gaza. For research on Israeli￾Jews’ attitudes toward non-citizen Arabs, see Inbar and Yuchtman￾Yaar (1986). The 20% figure does not include the West Bank or Gaza populations. tion and are subject to discrimination by state institu￾tions (Okun and Friedlander 2005). There is long-standing research on Israeli public opinion about both domestic and international Jewish￾Arab tensions (Smooha 1987, 1992, 2002, 2004; Gubler and Kalmoe 2015; Gubler, Halperin, and Hirschberger 2015; Zeitzoff 2014, 2016), with clear evidence for widespread prejudice toward PCI. Pedahzur and Yishai (1999) document “deep resentment toward the Arabs,” with 56.5% of Jewish respondents in their sample op￾posed to granting Arab and Jewish citizens equal so￾cial rights. Bar and Zussman (2017) show that around 40% of Jewish Israelis would be willing to pay more to receive services from Jewish workers rather than from Arab workers and Zussman (2013) reports that more than half of the respondents in his sample would prefer not to have an Arab neighbor. The PCI are not only a national-religious minority within a state defined by Jewish nationality; they are also often perceived as a security threat or a “fifth col￾umn” in the context of Israel’s armed conflicts with its surrounding Arab neighbors (Canetti-Nisim, Ariely, and Halperin 2008). Smooha (2004) shows that a sub￾stantial share of Jewish Israelis believe that PCI sup￾port terrorism and may rebel against Israel in the fu￾ture. This makes the case of exclusion of PCI poten￾tially informative for thinking about minority groups elsewhere: perceptions of security threats affect atti￾tudes toward Muslim immigrants to Western countries (Hellwig and Sinno 2016) and stereotypes of orga￾nized, even transnational, criminality are often asso￾ciated with Latin American immigrants to the United States. Furthermore, the situation of a minority group having cultural and familial ties to neighboring states can also be found elsewhere, again such as with Latino immigrants to the United States. We focus on the general issue of exclusion by Jewish Israelis toward PCI, but also on the particular ques￾tion of the attitudes of ultra-Orthodox Jews. Ultra￾Orthodox Jews are distinctive among the Jewish ma￾jority because of their religious and social traditions, including low formal education and widespread non￾participation in the workforce, resulting in a popula￾tion that is substantially poorer than the general Jew￾ish population. Furthermore, there are also barriers for cooperation between the ultra-Orthodox and the rest of the Israeli Jewish population (Enos and Gidron 2016). The ultra-Orthodox thus present an informative point of reference in their relations with the PCI be￾cause they are, arguably, close to PCI on a social hi￾erarchy. According to prominent social-psychological theories, they may therefore hold more exclusionary attitudes due to greater perceived threat to their rel￾ative status (Blumer 1958; Bobo and Hutchings 1996; Sidanius and Pratto 2001). Competition over resources is often most relevant to the low-income portion of a majority group that shares social welfare institutions with low-status minority groups (Bobo and Hutch￾ings 1996).8 Of course, less well-off subgroups of the 8 Although, notably, in the Israeli context, ultra-Orthodox and PCI are largely institutionally separated, so competition over institutions such as schools is not present. 746 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Shanghai JiaoTong University, on 26 Oct 2018 at 03:53:05, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055418000266