222 THE ERA OF YUAN SHIH-K'AI,I912-16 Liang seems to have adopted the view of his associate Chang Chun-mai (Carsun Chang),who wrote him from China on the day of the Manchu abdication that,although the new political system the revolutionaries had designed was not what Liang's group had wanted,the country could not bear any further alterations,as it stood on the verge of disruption.But attacks on Liang and his followers did not cease after his final abandon- ment of monarchy.A movement in Kwangtung advocated depriving him of his public rights as a Chinese citizen.In July 1912,reacting to an insulting article,some revolutionary editors organized the sacking of the offices of a reformist journal in Tientsin,and tried to effect the arrest of its managers,who were Liang's close associates.Party meetings were disrupted by T'ung-meng hui agents,Liang was told,and threats intimi- dated others from gathering.0 Meanwhile,Yuan Shih-k'ai,who had unsuccessfully sought Liang's support during the revolution,apparently lost interest after concluding his negotiations with the revolutionaries in the early the spring of 1912.Even Yuan found Liang a liability in an atmosphere where the Tung-meng hui set the political tone.Liang's representatives in China advised him that he should secure a formal invi- tation to Peking before returning from Japan."Only after Yuan had re- ceived Sun Yat-sen and Huang Hsing in the capital could he be induced to extend the same invitation to Liang at the end of September 191z.The next month Liang was feted in Peking and shortly resumed his journalis- tic and political activities in China.But he was still unreconciled to the revolutionaries,who renewed their attack on him. This view of I9Iz from other than T'ung-meng hui eyes shows that, although revolutionaries were deficient in administrative positions,they retained considerable political potential.Some of this potential was realized in the national elections that followed the founding of the KMT by three-and-a-half months and for which the new party was intended. These elections stand out as the only occasion when various Chinese political parties competed for the votes of a substantial nationwide elec- torate with considerable freedom from bureaucratic manipulation or coercion. The formalities of the elections were these.Males over zI years old, who either had the equivalent of an elementary schooling or were pro- perty owners and direct taxpayers at specified levels (the levels were 9 Ting Wen-chiang,Liang Jen-king hsien-sheng nien-p'u ch'ang-pien ch'u-kao,372. o Ibid.395,400-1.The continuing clashes between Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the revolutionaries are described and analysed by Chang P'eng-yuan,Liang Ch'i-ch'ao yi Min-kno cheng-chih (Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and republican politics),42-58. 11 Ting Wen-chiang,Liang Jen-kung hrien-sheng nien-p'u ch'ang-pien ch'u-kao,398. I2 For example,Min-li pao (Independent people's newspaper),4 Nov.I912. Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press,2008222 THE ERA OF YUAN SHIH-K'AI, I 9 I 2-1 6 Liang seems to have adopted the view of his associate Chang Chiin-mai (Carsun Chang), who wrote him from China on the day of the Manchu abdication that, although the new political system the revolutionaries had designed was not what Liang's group had wanted, the country could not bear any further alterations, as it stood on the verge of disruption.9 But attacks on Liang and his followers did not cease after his final abandon￾ment of monarchy. A movement in Kwangtung advocated depriving him of his public rights as a Chinese citizen. In July 1912, reacting to an insulting article, some revolutionary editors organized the sacking of the offices of a reformist journal in Tientsin, and tried to effect the arrest of its managers, who were Liang's close associates. Party meetings were disrupted by T'ung-meng hui agents, Liang was told, and threats intimi￾dated others from gathering.10 Meanwhile, Yuan Shih-k'ai, who had unsuccessfully sought Liang's support during the revolution, apparently lost interest after concluding his negotiations with the revolutionaries in the early the spring of 1912. Even Yuan found Liang a liability in an atmosphere where the T'ung-meng hui set the political tone. Liang's representatives in China advised him that he should secure a formal invi￾tation to Peking before returning from Japan." Only after Yuan had re￾ceived Sun Yat-sen and Huang Hsing in the capital could he be induced to extend the same invitation to Liang at the end of September 1912. The next month Liang was feted in Peking and shortly resumed his journalis￾tic and political activities in China. But he was still unreconciled to the revolutionaries, who renewed their attack on him.12 This view of 1912 from other than T'ung-meng hui eyes shows that, although revolutionaries were deficient in administrative positions, they retained considerable political potential. Some of this potential was realized in the national elections that followed the founding of the KMT by three-and-a-half months and for which the new party was intended. These elections stand out as the only occasion when various Chinese political parties competed for the votes of a substantial nationwide elec￾torate with considerable freedom from bureaucratic manipulation or coercion. The formalities of the elections were these. Males over 21 years old, who either had the equivalent of an elementary schooling or were pro￾perty owners and direct taxpayers at specified levels (the levels were 9 Ting Wen-chiang, Liang Jen-kung hsien-sheng nien-p'u ch'ang-pien ch'u-kao, 372. 10 Ibid. 395, 400-1. The continuing clashes between Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the revolutionaries are described and analysed by Chang P'eng-yuan, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao yii Mm-kuo cheng-chih (Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and republican politics), 42-58. 11 Ting Wen-chiang, Liang Jen-kung hsien-sheng nien-p'u ch'ang-pien ch'u-kao, 398. 12 For example, Min-lipoo (Independent people's newspaper), 4 Nov. 1912. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008