tribal health has found broad empirical starve. "As one looked one saw consequences, because where tribals can support(see especially Kroeger Bar- that what had once been a gree retain or regain their status as local ma- bira-Freedman [ 1982]on Amazonia; Re- hill had become a raw red rock jorities they may be in a more favorable inhard [1976] on the Arctic; and Wirsing Jones. 1934 position to defend their resources agains [1985] globally), but these conclusions intruders have not gone unchallenged. Some crit- Progress not only brings new threats to Swidden systems and pastoralism, ics argue that tribal health was often poor the health of tribal peoples, but it also both highly successful economic sys- before modernization, and they point imposes new strains on the ecosystems tems under traditional conditions, have specifically to tribals'low life expect- upon which they must depend for their proved particularly vulnerable to in- ancy and high infant mortality rates. De- ultimate survival. The introduction of creased population pressures and outside mographic statistics on tribal new technology, increased consumption, efforts to raise productivity beyond its populations are often problematic be- lowered mortality, and the eradication of natural limits. Research in Amazonia cause precise data are scarce, but they do all traditional controls have combined to demonstrates that population pressures show a less favorable profile than that replace what for most tribal peoples was and related resource depletion can be enjoyed by many industrial societies. a relatively stable balance between pop- created indirectly by official policies that However, it should be remembered that ulation and natural resources, with a new restrict swidden peoples to smaller terri- our present life expectancy is a recent system that is imbalanced. Economic de- tories. Resource depletion itself can then logical advances. Furthermore, the bene- resources. There is already a trend, g.p phenomenon that has been very costly in velopment is forcing ecocide on peoples become a powerful means of forcing terms of medical research and techno- who were once careful stewards of their tribal people into participating in the world-market economy--thus leading to fits of our health system are not enjoyed ward widespread environmental deterio- further resource depletion. For example qually by all members of our society. ration in tribal areas, involving resource Bodley and Benson(1979)showed how High infant mortality could be viewed as depletion, erosion, plant and animal ex- the Shipibo Indians in Peru were forced a relatively inexpensive and egalitarian tinction, and a disturbing series of other to further deplete their forest resources tribal public health program that offered previously unforeseen changes by cash cropping in the forest area to re- the reasonable expectation of a healt After the initial depopulation suffered place the resources that had been de and productive life for those surviving to by most tribal peoples during their en- stroyed earlier by the intensive cash age fifteen gulfment by frontiers of national expan- cropping necessitated by the narrow con- Some critics also suggest that certain sion, most tribal populations began to fines of their reserve. In this case, certain tribal populations, such as the New experience rapid growth. Authorities species of palm trees that had provided Guinea highlanders, were"stunted"by generally attribute this growth to the in- critical housing materials were destroyed nutritional deficiencies created by tribal troduction of modern medicine and new by forest clearing and had to be replaced culture and are"improved"by"accultur- health measures and the termination of by costly purchased materials. Research ation"and cash cropping(Dennett intertribal warfare, which lowered mo- by Gross(1979) and other showed simi Connell, 1988). Although this argument rality rates, as well as to new technology, lar processes at work among four tribal does suggest that the health question re- which increased food production. Cer- groups in central Brazil and demon quires careful evaluation, it does not in- tainly all of these factors played a part, strated that the degree of market involve- empirIc al generalizations but merely lowering mortality rates ment increases directly with increases in already established. Nutritional deficien- would not have produced the rapid pop- resource depletion cies undoubtedly occurred in densely ulation growth that most tribal areas The settling of nomadic herders and populated zones in the central New have experienced if traditional birth- the removal of prior controls on herd size Guinea highlands. However, the specific spacing mechanisms had not been elimi- have often led to serious overgrazing and case cited above may not be widely rep- nated at the same time. Regardless of erosion problems where these had not resentative of other tribal groups even in which factors were most important, it is previously occurred. There are indica- New Guinea, and it does not address the clear that all of the natural and cultural tions that the desertification problem in facts of outside intrusion or the inequi- checks on population growth have sud- the Sahel region of Africa was aggra- ties inherent in the contemporary devel- denly been pushed aside by culture vated by programs designed to settle no change, while tribal lands have been mads. The first sign of imbalance in steadily reduced and consumption levels swidden system appears when the plant ECOCIDE have risen. In many tribal areas, environ- ing cycles are shortened to the point that mental deterioration due to overuse of garden plots are reused before sufficient 'How is it asked a herdsman resources has set in, and in other areas forest regrowth can occur. If reclearing " how is it that these hills can no such deterioration is imminent as re- and planting continue in the same area, longer give pasture to my cattle sources continue to dwindle relative to the natural patterns of forest succession In my father's day they were green the expanding population and increased may be disturbed irreversibly and the and cattle thrived there, today use Of course, population expansion by soil can be impaired permanently. An ex there is no grass and my cattle tribal peoples may have positive political tensive tract of tropical rainforest in the 5ANNUAL EDITIONS 5 tribal health has found broad empirical support (see especially Kroeger & Bar￾bira-Freedman [1982] on Amazonia; Re￾inhard [1976] on the Arctic; and Wirsing [1985] globally), but these conclusions have not gone unchallenged. Some crit￾ics argue that tribal health was often poor before modernization, and they point specifically to tribals’ low life expect￾ancy and high infant mortality rates. De￾mographic statistics on tribal populations are often problematic be￾cause precise data are scarce, but they do show a less favorable profile than that enjoyed by many industrial societies. However, it should be remembered that our present life expectancy is a recent phenomenon that has been very costly in terms of medical research and techno￾logical advances. Furthermore, the bene￾fits of our health system are not enjoyed equally by all members of our society. High infant mortality could be viewed as a relatively inexpensive and egalitarian tribal public health program that offered the reasonable expectation of a healthy and productive life for those surviving to age fifteen. Some critics also suggest that certain tribal populations, such as the New Guinea highlanders, were “stunted” by nutritional deficiencies created by tribal culture and are “improved” by “accultur￾ation” and cash cropping (Dennett & Connell, 1988). Although this argument does suggest that the health question re￾quires careful evaluation, it does not in￾validate the empirical generalizations already established. Nutritional deficien￾cies undoubtedly occurred in densely populated zones in the central New Guinea highlands. However, the specific case cited above may not be widely rep￾resentative of other tribal groups even in New Guinea, and it does not address the facts of outside intrusion or the inequi￾ties inherent in the contemporary devel￾opment process. ECOCIDE “How is it,” asked a herdsman… “how is it that these hills can no longer give pasture to my cattle? In my father’s day they were green and cattle thrived there; today there is no grass and my cattle starve.” As one looked one saw that what had once been a green hill had become a raw red rock. Jones, 1934 Progress not only brings new threats to the health of tribal peoples, but it also imposes new strains on the ecosystems upon which they must depend for their ultimate survival. The introduction of new technology, increased consumption, lowered mortality, and the eradication of all traditional controls have combined to replace what for most tribal peoples was a relatively stable balance between pop￾ulation and natural resources, with a new system that is imbalanced. Economic de￾velopment is forcing ecocide on peoples who were once careful stewards of their resources. There is already a trend to￾ward widespread environmental deterio￾ration in tribal areas, involving resource depletion, erosion, plant and animal ex￾tinction, and a disturbing series of other previously unforeseen changes. After the initial depopulation suffered by most tribal peoples during their en￾gulfment by frontiers of national expan￾sion, most tribal populations began to experience rapid growth. Authorities generally attribute this growth to the in￾troduction of modern medicine and new health measures and the termination of intertribal warfare, which lowered mo￾rality rates, as well as to new technology, which increased food production. Cer￾tainly all of these factors played a part, but merely lowering mortality rates would not have produced the rapid pop￾ulation growth that most tribal areas have experienced if traditional birth￾spacing mechanisms had not been elimi￾nated at the same time. Regardless of which factors were most important, it is clear that all of the natural and cultural checks on population growth have sud￾denly been pushed aside by culture change, while tribal lands have been steadily reduced and consumption levels have risen. In many tribal areas, environ￾mental deterioration due to overuse of resources has set in, and in other areas such deterioration is imminent as re￾sources continue to dwindle relative to the expanding population and increased use. Of course, population expansion by tribal peoples may have positive political consequences, because where tribals can retain or regain their status as local ma￾jorities they may be in a more favorable position to defend their resources against intruders. Swidden systems and pastoralism, both highly successful economic sys￾tems under traditional conditions, have proved particularly vulnerable to in￾creased population pressures and outside efforts to raise productivity beyond its natural limits. Research in Amazonia demonstrates that population pressures and related resource depletion can be created indirectly by official policies that restrict swidden peoples to smaller terri￾tories. Resource depletion itself can then become a powerful means of forcing tribal people into participating in the world-market economy—thus leading to further resource depletion. For example, Bodley and Benson (1979) showed how the Shipibo Indians in Peru were forced to further deplete their forest resources by cash cropping in the forest area to re￾place the resources that had been de￾stroyed earlier by the intensive cash cropping necessitated by the narrow con￾fines of their reserve. In this case, certain species of palm trees that had provided critical housing materials were destroyed by forest clearing and had to be replaced by costly purchased materials. Research by Gross (1979) and other showed simi￾lar processes at work among four tribal groups in central Brazil and demon￾strated that the degree of market involve￾ment increases directly with increases in resource depletion. The settling of nomadic herders and the removal of prior controls on herd size have often led to serious overgrazing and erosion problems where these had not previously occurred. There are indica￾tions that the desertification problem in the Sahel region of Africa was aggra￾vated by programs designed to settle no￾mads. The first sign of imbalance in a swidden system appears when the plant￾ing cycles are shortened to the point that garden plots are reused before sufficient forest regrowth can occur. If reclearing and planting continue in the same area, the natural patterns of forest succession may be disturbed irreversibly and the soil can be impaired permanently. An ex￾tensive tract of tropical rainforest in the