1.Civil Service Reform in Great Britain Dorman B.Eaton The undertaking to point out the bearing of the reform measures of Great Britain upon administrative questions in the United States has.the author trusts been in large part perfomed as the work has proceeded;and perhaps few suggestions can now be made which have not already occurred to the reader. The mere fact that any given principlesor methods of political action have been found salutary in one country,is by no means a sufficient reason for introducing them into another.nor is it often that corresponding relations among officers,or between the officials and the people,will be found practicable in any two countries.But the probability that they may be naturally inreases with all that is in common in race,language and religion,in laws,institutions,and civilization And,therefore,notwithstanding the people of Great Britain have much more than any other people in common with ourselves,the mere success of her reform measures within her own borders had not been accepted as a reason why we should find them equally salutary.and hence ther infuence has been consiered in its bearings upon liberty,commuic general dcation public morality,and the complicated and essential relations of great parties inafree State.In the opening chapter,attention was called to the extent to whicho fathers incorporated into their new structure the principles of the British.It is worthy of our notice that the question now presented is not so much a question about adopting processes and methods as it is about approving certain great principles which embody a theory of political morality,of official obligation,of qual rights in govermen It was the principlerather than the mere methods of the division of departments,of the independence of the judicry. of free.parliamentary debate,of representative institution,of trial by jury,of the habeas corpus,of the common law,of personal rights,of the subordination of the military to the ivil power,which we adopted in our regional constitution.The question now before us is,whether the nation which has maintained,as faithfully as we have,all these great foundations of liberty,still equally fundamental in the two countries,may not now be able to tender us other principles worthy ofour adoption,which she has developed in perfecting the vast and complicated operations in her civil affairs during the period in which-absorbed by the intrests of new States and and by the many matters peculiar to a young nation-we have given little thought to the practical working of
1 1. Civil Service Reform in Great Britain Dorman B. Eaton The undertaking to point out the bearing of the reform measures of Great Britain upon administrative questions in the United States has, the author trusts, been in large part performed as the work has proceeded; and perhaps few suggestions can now be made which have not already occurred to the reader. The mere fact that any given principles or methods of political action have been found salutary in one country, is by no means a sufficient reason for introducing them into another; nor is it often that corresponding relations among officers, or between the officials and the people, will be found practicable in any two countries. But the probability that they may be naturally increases with all that is in common in race, language and religion, in laws, institutions, and civilization. And, therefore, notwithstanding the people of Great Britain have so much more than any other people in common with ourselves, the mere success of her reform measures within her own borders had not been accepted as a reason why we should find them equally salutary; and hence their influence has been considered in its bearings upon liberty, common justice, general education, public morality, and the complicated and essential relations of great parties in a free State. In the opening chapter, attention was called to the extent to which our fathers incorporated into their new structure the principles of the British constitution. It is worthy of our notice that the question now presented is not so much a question about adopting processes and methods as it is about approving certain great principles which embody a theory of political morality, of official obligation, of equal rights and common justice in government. It was the principle, rather than the mere methods, of the division of government into three great departments, of the independence of the judiciary, of free, parliamentary debate, of representative institution, of trial by jury, of the habeas corpus, of the common law, of personal rights, of the subordination of the military to the civil power, which we adopted in our regional constitution. The question now before us is, whether the nation which has maintained, as faithfully as we have, all these great foundations of liberty, still equally fundamental in the two countries, may not now be able to tender us other principles worthy of our adoption, which she has developed in perfecting the vast and complicated operations in her civil affairs during the period in which-absorbed by the interests of new States and territories and by the many matters peculiar to a young nation –we have given little thought to the practical working of
government?Our fathers did not borrow so much from the mother country because the two peoples had kindred blood poke the same language and gathered inspiration from the sme literature,but because England,being at that time the freest and most enightened of theol nations,and her higher precedents having been forged in the furnace fires of liberty and sanctioned by its saints and martyrs,were best adapted to our needs and most naturally commanded the confidence of our early statesmen.Now,as then,the two great English-speaking nations maintain their original precedence in freedom and justice.For the United States,even yet allows atrue freedom of debate and of the press-makes the affords a safe asylum for the victims of despotismrsecuresan efficient protection toevery citizen without the aid of bayonetsr the menace of policemen bearing deadly weapons?Still after all such general reflections have had their true weight there remain the direct questions Has the new system been adequately tested?Is it adapted toour constitutions and social life?Is it republican in spirit and consistent with the practical administration of goverment underou institutions?Have we the public intelig and virtue which warrant the attempt to carry forward such areform? Some of these questions,I must think,have been sufficiently answered,if indeed it were possible to hesitate as to the answer to be given;and the others can be more intelligently considered if we have distinctly before our minds the principles and conclusions which have ecome accepted in the later experience of Great Britain.They may be briefly stated as follows: 1.Public office creates a relation of trust and duty of a kind which requires all authority and influence pertaining to it to be exercised with the same absolute conformity to moral standards,to the prit of the and the laws.and to the commn of the which may be insisted upon in the use of public money or any other common property of the people,and, therefore,whatever difficulty may attend the practical application of the rule of duty.it is identically the sm whether it be appliedtoopertycdisretiodisregard cmm interestsor to grant official favors to personsor to parties. 2.So far as any right is involved,in filling offices,it is the right of the people to have the worthiest citizens in the public service for the general welfare,and the privilege of sharing the honors and profits of holding office appertains equally to every citizen,in proportion to his measure of character and capacity which qualify him for such service 3.the ability,attainments,and character requisite for the fit discharge of official duties of any
2 government? Our fathers did not borrow so much from the mother country because the two peoples had kindred blood, spoke the same language and gathered inspiration from the same literature, but because England, being at that time the freest and most enlightened of the old nations, and her higher precedents having been forged in the furnace fires of liberty and sanctioned by its saints and martyrs, were best adapted to our needs and most naturally commanded the confidence of our early statesmen. Now, as then, the two great English-speaking nations maintain their original precedence in freedom and justice. For the United States, even yet allows a true freedom of debate and of the press-makes the affords a safe asylum for the victims of despotism-or secures an efficient protection to every citizen without the aid of bayonets or the menace of policemen bearing deadly weapons? Still, after all such general reflections have had their true weight, there remain the direct questions: Has the new system been adequately tested? Is it adapted to our constitutions and social life? Is it republican in spirit and consistent with the practical administration of government under our institutions? Have we the public intelligence and virtue which warrant the attempt to carry forward such a reform? Some of these questions, I must think, have been sufficiently answered, if indeed it were possible to hesitate as to the answer to be given; and the others can be more intelligently considered if we have distinctly before our minds the principles and conclusions which have become accepted in the later experience of Great Britain. They may be briefly stated as follows: 1. Public office creates a relation of trust and duty of a kind which requires all authority and influence pertaining to it to be exercised with the same absolute conformity to moral standards, to the spirit of the constitution and the laws, and to the common interests of the people, which may be insisted upon in the use of public money or any other common property of the people; and, therefore, whatever difficulty may attend the practical application of the rule of duty, it is identically the same whether it be applied to property or to official discretion to disregard common interests or to grant official favors to persons or to parties. 2. So far as any right is involved, in filling offices, it is the right of the people to have the worthiest citizens in the public service for the general welfare; and the privilege of sharing the honors and profits of holding office appertains equally to every citizen, in proportion to his measure of character and capacity which qualify him for such service. 3. the ability, attainments, and character requisite for the fit discharge of official duties of any
kind.inother words,the personal merits of the candidate-are in themselves the highest cam upon an office. 4.Party goverment and the ary activity of partiesare not superseded,but they are made purer and more efficient by the merit system of offce.which brings larger capacity and higher character to their support. 5.Government by parties is enfeebled and debased by reliance upon a partisan ystem of appointments and removals,and for its ifeand sautary needful for the party majority to select,as the representative of its views and the executors of its policy, the few high officers with whom rests the power to direct the national affairs and to instruct and keep in the line of their duty the whole body of their subordinates through whose administrative work that poliey is 6.Patronage in the hands of members of the legislature,which originated ina usurpation of executive functions,increases the expenses of administration,is degrading and demoralizing to those who possess itis disastrous to legislation,tends to impair the and stability of the government:and it cannot withstand the criticism of an intelligent people when they fairly comprehend its character and consequences. 7.Examinations(incontio with investigations of character)may be so conducted as to ascertain,with far greater certainty than by any other means,the persons who are the most fit for the public seviceand the worthiest thus disclosed may be selected for the public service by a just and non-partisan method,which the most enlightened public opinion will heartily approve. 8.Open competition presents at once the most just and practicable means of supplying fit persons for appointment.It is proved to have given the best public servants,it makes an end of patronage;and,besides being based on equal rights and common justice,it has been found to be the surest safeguard against both partisan coron and officia favoritism 9.Such methods.which leave to parties and party government their true functions in unimpaired vigor,tend to reduce manipulation,intrigue,and every form of corruption in politics to their smallest proportions.They also reward learning give more importance to character and principles and make political ifemore attractive toall worthy citizen 10.Regarded as a whole,the new system has raised the ambition and advanced both the self-respect and the popular estimation of those in the public service,while it has encouraged 3
3 kind,-in other words, the personal merits of the candidate-are in themselves the highest claim upon an office. 4. Party government and the salutary activity of parties are not superseded, but they are made purer and more efficient, by the merit system of office, which brings larger capacity and higher character to their support. 5. Government by parties is enfeebled and debased by reliance upon a partisan system of appointments and removals; and for its most vigorous life and salutary influence, it is only needful for the party majority to select, as the representative of its views and the executors of its policy, the few high officers with whom rests the power to direct the national affairs, and to instruct and keep in the line of their duty the whole body of their subordinates through whose administrative work that policy is to be carried into effect. 6. Patronage in the hands of members of the legislature, which originated in a usurpation of executive functions, increases the expenses of administration, is degrading and demoralizing to those who possess it, is disastrous to legislation, tends to impair the counterpoise and stability of the government; and it cannot withstand the criticism of an intelligent people when they fairly comprehend its character and consequences. 7. Examinations (in connection with investigations of character)may be so conducted as to ascertain, with far greater certainty than by any other means, the persons who are the most fit for the public service; and the worthiest thus disclosed may be selected for the public service by a just and non-partisan method, which the most enlightened public opinion will heartily approve. 8. Open competition presents at once the most just and practicable means of supplying fit persons for appointment. It is proved to have given the best public servants; it makes an end of patronage; and, besides being based on equal rights and common justice, it has been found to be the surest safeguard against both partisan coercion and official favoritism. 9. Such methods, which leave to parties and party government their true functions in unimpaired vigor, tend to reduce manipulation, intrigue, and every form of corruption in politics to their smallest proportions. They also reward learning, give more importance to character and principles and make political life more attractive to all worthy citizens. 10. Regarded as a whole, the new system has raised the ambition and advanced both the self-respect and the popular estimation of those in the public service, while it has encouraged
general education,arrested demoralizing solicitation for office,and promoted economy,efficiency. and fidelity in public affairs. 11.A system is entirely practicable under which official salaries shall increase during the more active yeas of life,and through which a retiring allowance is retained to be paid upon the officer leaving the public service;and such a system appears to contribute to economy and fidelity in administration 12.Open competition is as fatal to all the conditions of a bureaucracy,as it is to patronage. nepotism and every form of favoritism,in the public service. 13.The merit system,by raising the character and capacity of the subordinate service,and by accustoming the people to consider personal worth and sound principles rather than selfish interest and adroit management,as the controlling elements of success in politics.has also invigorated national patrioism,raised the standard of statesmanship,and caused political leaders tolook more to the better sentiments and the higher intelligence for support. To the othr considerations which give importance to administrative abuses this must be added:that they are the most permanent known topolitics Having theirtimatesouren the selfishness of human nature,they grow wherever ambition,the love of gain,or partisan zeal are not effectively restrained.Favored by the imprfections of all human governments and incidents of their daily operation,they are.in their as as abiding as government itself.It is in the struggles for office,and the opportunities for gain in the exercise of official power,that selfishness. deception,and partisan zeal have their everlasting contest with virtue,patriotism,and duty.It is in that s that statesmen and patriots and intrigers,the the vena office seeker,all the high and al the low influences of political life,meet face to face,and by the balance of power,for good for evil,give character to politics and determine the morality of nations,the questions raised by that contest,and the methods by which politicians seek their solutionare much the same and are equaly vital under every form of representative goverment From generation to generation,from century to century,partisans and self-seeking and corrup men of all sorts employ much the same means to make office-getting and administration serve their ends.If we go back over the administration of a century.inany enlightened State.we find the abuses with which statesmen and patriots have strugged if a litte different in fom,yet in substance much the same.Whether a president or a king be at the head of the government. 4
4 general education, arrested demoralizing solicitation for office, and promoted economy, efficiency, and fidelity in public affairs. 11. A system is entirely practicable under which official salaries shall increase during the more active yea 日 s of life, and through which a retiring allowance is retained to be paid upon the officer leaving the public service; and such a system appears to contribute to economy and fidelity in administration. 12. Open competition is as fatal to all the conditions of a bureaucracy, as it is to patronage, nepotism and every form of favoritism, in the public service. 13. The merit system, by raising the character and capacity of the subordinate service, and by accustoming the people to consider personal worth and sound principles, rather than selfish interest and adroit management, as the controlling elements of success in politics, has also invigorated national patriotism, raised the standard of statesmanship, and caused political leaders to look more to the better sentiments and the higher intelligence for support. To the other considerations which give importance to administrative abuses this must be added: that they are the most permanent known to politics. Having their ultimate source in the selfishness of human nature, they grow wherever ambition, the love of gain, or partisan zeal are not effectively restrained. Favored by the imperfections of all human governments and incidents of their daily operation, they are, in their causes, as abiding as government itself. It is in the struggles for office, and the opportunities for gain in the exercise of official power, that selfishness, deception, and partisan zeal have their everlasting contest with virtue, patriotism, and duty. It is in that contest that statesmen and demagogues, patriots and intriguers, the good citizen and the venal office seeker, all the high and al the low influences of political life, meet face to face, and by the balance of power, for good or for evil, give character to politics and determine the morality of nations, the questions raised by that contest, and the methods by which politicians seek their solution, are much the same and are equally vital under every form of representative government. From generation to generation, from century to century, partisans and self-seeking and corrupt men of all sorts employ much the same means to make office-getting and administration serve their ends. If we go back over the administration of a century, in any enlightened State, we find the abuses with which statesmen and patriots have struggled, if a little different in form, yet in substance much the same. Whether a president or a king be at the head of the government
whether the higher branch of the legislature be electiver hereditary,make little difference in the administrative abuses or in their perilous tendency.Our civil service abuses,as I have already explained,are in substance but a repetition of those of the other enlightened nations.As a people we have cherished no more complete and disastrous delusion than that which has led us to think that the just principles of our constitution and social life have relieved us from dangers growing out of corrupt administration.Human nature has not been changed by republican institutions. Good government does not come from neglect,from conceit,from party zeal,even in a republic If,from the inveterate permanency and peril of administrative abuses,we turn to the other that every generation,every decade,amos every year,has had its peculiar policy,its temporary inerests its absorbing issues,domesticr foreign.The highway of progress is marked by the ever changing procession of subjects each thought to be paramount in its day.Even from our short history,a long list of forgotten questions,each most absorbing for a time,oudbe gathered.But at all times and everywhere,the questions-How tobring honest and capable men into office high and low?How to secure economy and fidelity in administration? How to prevent officil authority from being prostituted to partisan and selfish ends?-have been subjects of serious and increasing difficulty.Whether considered in that light or not,they have really been problems than which none have at and so vitlly conered the prosperity and the morality of the nation What other questions,among all those which have arisen in our politics,have so steadily grown in importance?What question to-day presents issues more difficut whichare of more anxiety and thoughtful tins than this?How can we so administer the government that its daily operations shall not develop infidelity and corruptio fatal aliketoal the virtues of official and privatelife? However the past may be excused,we can hardly find in the future a justification for a continued neglect of the science of administration which,as we have seen,the statesmen of every other enlightened nation have made one of the paramount studies of politics For surely it is not the increase of wealth,the growth of great cities,or the advance of population that will purify the fountains of virtue r make the problems of goverment easier.When,perhaps in the lifetime of persons now living.the residents of Washington holding places in the public service shall exceed her present population;when the country shall contain three hundred millions of people,of which 5
5 whether the higher branch of the legislature be elective or hereditary, make little difference in the administrative abuses or in their perilous tendency. Our civil service abuses, as I have already explained, are in substance but a repetition of those of the other enlightened nations. As a people, we have cherished no more complete and disastrous delusion than that which has led us to think that the just principles of our constitution and social life have relieved us from dangers growing out of corrupt administration. Human nature has not been changed by republican institutions. Good government does not come from neglect, from conceit, or from party zeal, even in a republic. If, from the inveterate permanency and peril of administrative abuses, we turn to the other great questions of politics, we see that every generation, every decade, almost every year, has had its peculiar policy, its temporary interests, its absorbing issues, domestic or foreign. The highway of progress is marked by the ever changing procession of subjects each thought to be paramount in its day. Even from our short history, a long list of forgotten questions, each most absorbing for a time, could be gathered. But at all times and everywhere, the questions-How to bring honest and capable men into office, high and low? How to secure economy and fidelity in administration? How to prevent official authority from being prostituted to partisan and selfish ends?-have been subjects of serious and increasing difficulty. Whether considered in that light or not, they have really been problems than which none have at once so constantly and so vitally concerned the prosperity and the morality of the nation. What other questions, among all those which have arisen in our politics, have so steadily grown in importance? What question to-day presents issues more difficult of solution, or which are the source of more anxiety to patriotic and thoughtful citizens, than this? How can we so administer the government that its daily operations shall not develop infidelity and corruption, fatal alike to all the virtues of official and private life? However the past may be excused, we can hardly find in the future a justification for a continued neglect of the science of administration which, as we have seen, the statesmen of every other enlightened nation have made one of the paramount studies of politics. For surely it is not the increase of wealth, the growth of great cities, or the advance of population that will purify the fountains of virtue or make the problems of government easier. When, perhaps in the lifetime of persons now living, the residents of Washington holding places in the public service shall exceed her present population; when the country shall contain three hundred millions of people, of which
the names of half a million shall be upon the national pay-rolls,when the commerce and population of San Francisco shall far exceed the present population and commerce of New York. when the national revenues shall be,and consu and commercia agents shall discharge their duties in Central Africa and in cities upon the upper waters of the Amazon-can we expect,if our neglect shall continue,that the perils of a spoils system of office will be less,or that the difficulties of its removal will be diminished? But it is not merely such natural increase and expansion which will continue to make that science more profound and its neglect more disastrous.It is in the order of a growing civilization that the functions of official life must become more and more various,delicate,and difficult."The authority of goverment has notony pread throughout the phere of all existing it goes further and invades the domain heretofore reserved to private independence.A multitude of actions,which were fomerly beyond the control of public administration,have been subjected to that control in our time,and the number of them is constantly increasing"A larger and still larger number of officers are required,and their neglect and incompetency more and more tend to become evils of serious magnitude.The railroad.the steamship.and the new departments of agriculture,education,and public health,the life-saving and the Marine Hospital service,the money order system,and the light-house,the internal revenue and the postal administration greatly extended-are of the growth of administrative functions createdor enlarged during the present generation.In the cities and in the States,this growth has hardly been less than under the Federal Government;nor has it been less in other countries than in our own.Year by year,the prosperity and morality of every enlightened people become.in a still greater degree. dependent upon the character and capacity of those who fill their places of public trust.Inno country is this more true than in the United States,where the very structure of the government frequently producesa comication of offc duties,byreason of the division of authorityove great subjects between the nation and the States. With so great evils upon us from the neglect of administration in the past,and still greater evils thus threatening us if that neglect shall continue in the future,it would hardly seem possible that the subject should long fail to take its proper place in the serious refections of American statesmen.How,indeed,can a man be called a statesman who is not well versed in the world's wisdom as to the best means of carrying forward with steadiness and fidelity the vast 6
6 the names of half a million shall be upon the national pay-rolls; when the commerce and population of San Francisco shall far exceed the present population and commerce of New York; when the national revenues shall be tenfold their present amount, and consuls and commercial agents shall discharge their duties in Central Africa and in cities upon the upper waters of the Amazon- can we expect, if our neglect shall continue, that the perils of a spoils system of office will be less, or that the difficulties of itsremoval will be diminished? But it is not merely such natural increase and expansion which will continue to make that science more profound and its neglect more disastrous. It is in the order of a growing civilization that the functions of official life must become more and more various, delicate, and difficult. “The authority of government has not only spread throughout the sphere of all existing powers,. but it goes further and invades the domain heretofore reserved to private independence. A multitude of actions, which were formerly beyond the control of public administration, have been subjected to that control in our time, and the number of them is constantly increasing.” A larger and still larger number of officers are required, and their neglect and incompetency more and more tend to become evils of serious magnitude. The railroad, the steamship, and the new departments of agriculture, education, and public health; the life-saving and the Marine Hospital service; the money order system, and the light-house, the internal revenue and the postal administration, greatly extended-are but illustrations of the growth of administrative functions created or enlarged during the present generation. In the cities and in the States, this growth has hardly been less than under the Federal Government; nor has it been less in other countries than in our own. Year by year, the prosperity and morality of every enlightened people become, in a still greater degree, dependent upon the character and capacity of those who fill their places of public trust. In no country is this more true than in the United States, where the very structure of the government frequently produces a complication of official duties, by reason of the division of authority over great subjects between the nation and the States. With so great evils upon us from the neglect of administration in the past, and still greater evils thus threatening us if that neglect shall continue in the future, it would hardly seem possible that the subject should long fail to take its proper place in the serious reflections of American statesmen. How, indeed, can a man be called a statesman who is not well versed in the world’s wisdom as to the best means of carrying forward with steadiness and fidelity the vast
administration of his country,upon which the happiness and prosperity of its people so greatly depend?For self-seeking politicians-for men with whom statesmanship means the manipulation of parties-for any citizen without faith in public virtue and the courage needed to stand for duty and the general welfare against the ignorance and the blind majority of the hou,the subject can have few attractions.But those thoughtful citizens whose hearts are warmed by a true love of their country,who are humiliated as they see that country failing to rise to its true dignity before the world,who comprehend that,under better methods,worth and ability of a higher ordr cou be made to elevate polities and official life-will be drawn to the subject by all the strength of interest, patriotic duty,and national pride.They feel that the United States stand before the world as the original and the noblest embodiment of the republican ideal in goverment.As the oldest and the most powerful republican nation-as the example to which young republics turn for wisdom and experience-the character of public administration in the United States does not coner merely the growing millions of her own people but the republican cause and the fate of free institutions in every quarter of the globe now and for ages to come.Need we fear that this generation of Americans will supply patriots who will worthily lead in the reform of the civil service of their country?Are not great masses of the people ready to turn away from the politicians and to follow such leaders?Can it be doubted that,if the true methods of reform were once brought clearly before the American people they would givethose methods a support as vigorous and as that extended to them by the people of Great Britain?Surely we are not to be permanently known asthe people who boast most over their form of government and groan most over the abuses of their administration"We are not without the courag of our fathers.This generations,which has made the greatest sacrifices for liberty and justice recorded in human annals,must surely have the moral elevation needed for the removal of any abuses that can be developed in administering the government whose righteousness and honor it has geatly exalted.We are justly poud of the stability of a government which has been less changed in the past century,and bids fair to be less changed in the next century,than any government in Europe.Its safety now depends upon the virtue and wisdom of its daily administration.While nearly every European country is agitated by hopes and fears,threatening the very framework of the State,no expectation of a change of structure of the future.Our fate must turn upon our capacity to administer institutions which we do not wish to 7
7 administration of his country, upon which the happiness and prosperity of its people so greatly depend? For self-seeking politicians –for men with whom statesmanship means the manipulation of parties-for any citizen without faith in public virtue and the courage needed to stand for duty and the general welfare against the ignorance and the blind majority of the hour, the subject can have few attractions. But those thoughtful citizens whose hearts are warmed by a true love of their country, who are humiliated as they see that country failing to rise to its true dignity before the world, who comprehend that, under better methods, worth and ability of a higher order could be made to elevate politics and official life-will be drawn to the subject by all the strength of interest, patriotic duty, and national pride. They feel that the United States stand before the world as the original and the noblest embodiment of the republican ideal in government. As the oldest and the most powerful republican nation-as the example to which young republics turn for wisdom and experience-the character of public administration in the United States does not concern merely the growing millions of her own people, but the republican cause and the fate of free institutions in every quarter of the globe now and for ages to come. Need we fear that this generation of Americans will supply patriots who will worthily lead in the reform of the civil service of their country? Are not great masses of the people ready to turn away from the politicians and to follow such leaders? Can it be doubted that, if the true methods of reform were once brought clearly before the American people, they would give those methods a support as vigorous and enlightened as that extended to them by the people of Great Britain? Surely we are not to be permanently known as “the people who boast most over their form of government, and groan most over the abuses of their administration.” We are not degenerate sons without the patriotism or the courage of our fathers. This generations, which has made the greatest sacrifices for liberty and justice recorded in human annals, must surely have the moral elevation needed for the removal of any abuses that can be developed in administering the government whose righteousness and honor it has greatly exalted. We are justly proud of the stability of a government, which has been less changed in the past century, and bids fair to be less changed in the next century, than any government in Europe. Its safety now depends upon the virtue and wisdom of its daily administration. While nearly every European country is agitated by hopes and fears, threatening the very framework of the State, no expectation of a change of structure colors our estimate of the future. Our fate must turn upon our capacity to administer institutions which we do not wish to
abandon,and which we cannot expect,by any radical change,to improve.We are for those reasons all the more free.and we have resting upon us a duty all the more serious,to speedily problem-that of making our administration worthy and ou social life.If the present generation is too poorly instructed in the true methods of government to act upon the higher experience of the leading European States,then it is the duty of all who teach-in whatever grade.from the school to the university-to take care that the next generation be wiser in the knowledge of what deeply concerns the character and stability of the nation-to make it appear that republics are not hostile to statesmanship,to education,or to official virtue. No other knowledge will compensate for ignorance as to the best means of securing capacity and fidelity in No mont of scholarship will cover the disgrace to republican institutions of allowing the world to believe that republics must fall below monarchies in bringing high character and ability into places of public trust.In no other way can the prestige and influence of such institutions be so much advanced in the world as by the United States Making it manifest to the nations that a great republic seeks and secures,quite as surely as the most enlightened monarchy,the full measure of official worth and ability which good administration requires To attain such results is,I repeat,the great problem of American politics-the paramount duty of American patriots.And I trust Imay be pardoned for adding that the hope of contributing. in some small measure,to their accomplishment,has given me the courage to submit this volume to the publicjudgment
8 abandon, and which we cannot expect, by any radical change, to improve. We are for those reasons all the more free, and we have resting upon us a duty all the more serious, to speedily solve our great problem-that of making our administration worthy of our constitution and our social life. If the present generation is too poorly instructed in the true methods of government to act upon the higher experience of the leading European States, then it is the duty of all who teach-in whatever grade, from the school to the university- to take care that the next generation be wiser in the knowledge of what so deeply concerns the character and stability of the nation-to make it appear that republics are not hostile to statesmanship, to education, or to official virtue. No other knowledge will compensate for ignorance as to the best means of securing capacity and fidelity in public administration. No amount of scholarship will cover the disgrace to republican institutions of allowing the world to believe that republics must fall below monarchies in bringing high character and ability into places of public trust. In no other way can the prestige and influence of such institutions be so much advanced in the world as by the United States Making it manifest to the nations that a great republic seeks and secures, quite as surely as the most enlightened monarchy, the full measure of official worth and ability which good administration requires. To attain such results is, I repeat, the great problem of American politics-the paramount duty of American patriots. And I trust I may be pardoned for adding that the hope of contributing, in some small measure, to their accomplishment, has given me the courage to submit this volume to the public judgment
2.The Study of Administration Woodrow Wilson I suppose that no practical science is ever studied where there is no need to know it.The very fact,the minently is finding its courses in this country would prove that this country needs to know more about administration, were such proof of the fact required to make out a case.It need not be said,however,that we do not look into college programmes for poof of this fact It is a thing almost taken for granted among us,that the present movement called civil service refom must,after the accomplishment of its first purpose expand into efforts to improve not the persoel only,but also the organization and methods of our government offices:because it is plain that their organizations and methods need improvement only less than their personel.It is the object of administrative study to discover,first,what government can properly and successfully do,and,secondly,how it can do these proper things with the utmost possible efficiency and at the least possible cost either of money or of energy.On both these points there is obviously much need of light among us,and only careful study can supply that light Before entering on that study,however,it is needful: I To take some account of what others have done in the same line,that is to say.of the history of the study. II.To ascertain just what is its subject-matter. III.To determine just what are the best methods by which to develop it,and the most clarifying political conceptions tocarry with us into it Unless we know and settle these things,we shall set out without chart or compass I. The science of administration is the latest fruit of that study of the science of politics which was begun some twenty-two hundred years ago.It isa birth of our own century.almost of our own generation. 9
9 2.The Study of Administration Woodrow Wilson I suppose that no practical science is ever studied where there is no need to know it. The very fact, therefore, that the eminently practical science of administration is finding its way into college courses in this country would prove that this country needs to know more about administration, were such proof of the fact required to make out a case. It need not be said, however, that we do not look into college programmes for proof of this fact. It is a thing almost taken for granted among us, that the present movement called civil service reform must, after the accomplishment of its first purpose, expand into efforts to improve, not the personnel only, but also the organization and methods of our government offices: because it is plain that their organizations and methods need improvement only less than their personnel. It is the object of administrative study to discover, first, what government can properly and successfully do, and, secondly, how it can do these proper things with the utmost possible efficiency and at the least possible cost either of money or of energy. On both these points there is obviously much need of light among us; and only careful study can supply that light. Before entering on that study, however, it is needful: I. To take some account of what others have done in the same line; that is to say, of the history of the study. II. To ascertain just what is its subject-matter. III. To determine just what are the best methods by which to develop it, and the most clarifying political conceptions to carry with us into it. Unless we know and settle these things, we shall set out without chart or compass. I. The science of administration is the latest fruit of that study of the science of politics which was begun some twenty-two hundred years ago. It is a birth of our own century, almost of our own generation
Why was it so late in coming?Why did it wait till this too busy century of ours to demand attention for itself?Administration is the most obvious part of government,it is government in action,it is the executive,the operative.the most visible side of goverment and is of course as old as government itself.It is government in action,and one might very naturally expect to find that government in action had arrested the attention and provoked the scrutiny of writers of politics veryearly in the history of systematic thought. But such was not the case.No one wrote systematically of administration as a branch of the science of goverment until the present century had passed its first youth and had begun to put forth its characteristic flower of the systematic knowledge.Up to our own day all the political writers whom we now read had thought argued,dogmatized ony about government,about the nature of the state.the esence and seat of sovereignty,popular power and kingly prerogative,about the greatest meanings lying at the heart of government,and the high ends set before the purpos of government by man's nature and man's aims.The central field of controversy was that great field of theory in which monarchy rode tilt against democracy,in which oligarchy would have built for itself strongholds of privilege.and in which tyranny sought opportunity to make good its claim to receive submission from all competitors.Amidst this high warfare of principles administration could command no pause for its own consideration.The question was always:Who shall make law,and what shall that law be?The other question,how law should be administered with enlightenment with equity,with speed,and without friction,was put aside as"practical detail"which clerks could arrange after doctorshad agreed upon principles That politica philosophy took thisdirection as hance preference or perverse whim of political philosophers.The philosophy of any time is,as Hegel says,"othing but the spirit of that time expressed in abstract thought"and political philosophy.like philosophy of every other kind,has only held up the mirror to contemporary affairs.The trouble inearly times was almost altogether about the constitution of government:and consequently that was wha engrossed men's thoughts.There was littleor no trouble about administration,at leastitte that was heeded by administrators.The functions of government were simple,because life itself was simple.Goverment went about imperatively and compelled men without though of consultin their wishes.There was no complex system of public revenues and public debts to puzze financiers,there were,consequently,no financiers to be puzzled.No one who possessed power 10
10 Why was it so late in coming? Why did it wait till this too busy century of ours to demand attention for itself? Administration is the most obvious part of government; it is government in action; it is the executive, the operative, the most visible side of government, and is of course as old as government itself. It is government in action, and one might very naturally expect to find that government in action had arrested the attention and provoked the scrutiny of writers of politics very early in the history of systematic thought. But such was not the case. No one wrote systematically of administration as a branch of the science of government until the present century had passed its first youth and had begun to put forth its characteristic flower of the systematic knowledge. Up to our own day all the political writers whom we now read had thought, argued, dogmatized only about the constitution of government; about the nature of the state, the essence and seat of sovereignty, popular power and kingly prerogative; about the greatest meanings lying at the heart of government, and the high ends set before the purpose of government by man’s nature and man’s aims. The central field of controversy was that great field of theory in which monarchy rode tilt against democracy, in which oligarchy would have built for itself strongholds of privilege, and in which tyranny sought opportunity to make good its claim to receive submission from all competitors. Amidst this high warfare of principles, administration could command no pause for its own consideration. The question was always: Who shall make law, and what shall that law be? The other question, how law should be administered with enlightenment, with equity, with speed, and without friction, was put aside as "practical detail" which clerks could arrange after doctors had agreed upon principles. That political philosophy took this direction was of course no accident, no chance preference or perverse whim of political philosophers. The philosophy of any time is, as Hegel says, "nothing but the spirit of that time expressed in abstract thought"; and political philosophy, like philosophy of every other kind, has only held up the mirror to contemporary affairs. The trouble in early times was almost altogether about the constitution of government; and consequently that was what engrossed men’s thoughts. There was little or no trouble about administration,-at least little that was heeded by administrators. The functions of government were simple, because life itself was simple. Government went about imperatively and compelled men, without thought of consulting their wishes. There was no complex system of public revenues and public debts to puzzle financiers; there were, consequently, no financiers to be puzzled. No one who possessed power