lartin Luther King: beyond vietnam --A Time to break Silence I come to this magnif icent house of worship ton ig ht because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in dee pest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart and i found myself in full accord hen I read its opening lines: a time comes when silence is betrayal. And that time has come for us in relation to vietnam The truth of these words is beyond doubt but the mission to which they call us is a most diff icult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing the ir government's policy especia lly in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great diff iculty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they of ten do in the case of this dreadf ul conf lict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty but we must move on And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is of ten a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a signif icant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesy ing of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance for we are deeply in need of a beyond the darkness that seems so close around us Over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path at the heart of their concerns this query has of ten loomed large and loud Why are you speaking about the war, Dr King? Why are you joining the voices of dissent? ""Peace and civil rights dont mix, they say Aren't you hurting the cause of your people they ask? And when i hear them though I of ten understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live In the lig ht of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signa l importa nce to try to state clearly and i trust concisely why i believe that the path from Dexter Avenue
Martin Luther King: Beyond Vietnam -- A Time to Break Silence I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A time comes when silence is betrayal." And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam. The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most dif ficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they of ten do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on. And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is of ten a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us. Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak f rom the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures f rom the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has of ten loomed large and loud: "Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?" "Why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "Peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "Aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? And when I hear them, though I of ten understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live. In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path f rom Dexter Avenue
Baptist Church-- the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where i began my pastorate leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight. I come to this platf orm tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to over look the ambiguity of the total situa tion and the need for a collective so lution to the tragedy of vietnam Neither is it an attempt to make north Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justif ia ble reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conf licts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides Tonight, however, I wish not to speak w ith Hanoi and the National liberation Front but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conf lict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents. Since i am a preacher by trade i suppose it is not surprising that i have seve major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of m y moral vision n. There is at the outset a very obvio us and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and ve been waging in Am a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor --both black and white - through the poverty program. There were experiments hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I ratched this program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such Perhaps the more tragic recognition of rea lity took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were king the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die toge ther for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burn ing the huts of a poor village but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor
Baptist Church -- the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight. I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides. Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents. Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such. Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor
My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate rejected and angry young men, I have told them that molotov cocktails and rif les would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while mainta in ing my conviction that social change comes most meaningf ully through nonviolent action But they ask--and rightly so - what about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation iolence to solve its problems, to bring about th changes it wanted. Their questions hit home and i knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos w ithout having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today --my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence i cannot be silent For those who ask the question, "Aren t you a civil rights leader and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace i have this further answer. In 1957 hen a group of us formed the southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto To save the soul of america we were convinced that we could not lim it our vis ion to certain rights for black people but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing w ith Langston Hughes that black bard of Harlem who had written earlier it America never was america to me And yet I swear this oath America will be Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. If America's soul becomes totally poisoned part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsib il ity was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for peace was also a commission --a commission to work harder than i had ever worked before for the brotherhood man."This is a calling that takes me beyond national a lleg ia nces but even if it were not present I woul have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obv io us that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant f
My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask -- and rightly so -- what about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent. For those who ask the question, "Aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me f rom the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be f ree or saved f rom itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely f rom the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier: O, yes, I say it plain, America never was America to me, And yet I swear this oath -- America will be! Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land. As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for
all men-- for Communist and capita list for their children and ours, for black and for hite, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enem ies so fully that he died for them? What then can i say to the vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithf ul min ister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life? And finally as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conv iction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i be lieve that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suf fering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them This i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationa lism and which go beyond our nation's self -defined goals and pos itions. We are ca lled to speak for the weak, for the voiceless for the victims of our nation and for those it calls enemy for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our broth And as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideolog ies of the Liberation Front not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries They must see Amer icans as strange liberators. The vietnamese people procla imed their own independence *in 1954 --in 1945 *rather *-- after a combined French and Japa nese occupation a nd before the communist revolution in China. they were led by Ho chi Minh. Even though they quoted the american Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom we ref used to recognize the Instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her f ormer colony. Our government felt then that the vietnamese peop le were not ready for independence and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China--for whom the vietnamese have no great love--but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform one of the most important needs in their lives
all men -- for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life? And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads f rom Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suf fering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them. This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self -defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document f rom human hands can make these humans any less our brothers. And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries. They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- af ter a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of f reedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her f ormer colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self -determination and a government that had been established not by China -- for whom the Vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives
For nine years follow ing 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of inde pendence For nine years we vigorously supported the french in the ir abortive nize vietnam before the end of the war we were meetin percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization After the French were def eated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily div ided nation, and the peasants watched aga in as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and ref used even to discuss reunif ication with the North The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States inf luence and then by increasing numbers of United states troops who came to help que ll the insurgency that d iem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especial ly in terms of thei need for land and peace The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaf lets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land ref orm. now they langu ish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetica lly as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camp where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs So they go, primarily women and children and the aged They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the us trees. They ander into the hos pitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inf licted injury So far we may have killed a million of them mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers What do the peasa nts think as we ally ourselves with the land lords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the
For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive ef fort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even af ter they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization. Af ter the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace. The only change came f rom America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs. So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties f rom American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers. What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the
roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones We have destroyed their two most cheris hed institutions: the family and the village We have destroyed their land and the ir crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary po litical force, the unif ied Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness *Soon the solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and concrete of the concentration camps we call"fortif ied hamlets. The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These too are our brothers Perhaps a more dif f icult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call" or communists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and crue lty of Diem which helped to bring them into be ing as a resista nce group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to the ir owt taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of aggression from the north "as if there were nothing more essential to the war How can they trust us when now we charge them with vio lence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land Surely we must understand their feelings even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest How do they judge us when our of ficials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organ ized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded their questions are frighteningly relevant Is our nation planning to build on politica l myth again and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?
roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones? We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men. Now there is little lef t to build on, save bitterness. *Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers. Perhaps a more dif ficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression f rom the North" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence af ter the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts. How do they judge us when our of ficials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of f ree elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement f rom which they will be excluded. Their questions are f righteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?
Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonv iolence when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and prof it from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understanda ble mistrust To speak for them is to explain this lack of conf idence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the french, the men whe sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willf ulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth para llel as a temporary measure at geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with d iem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho chi Minh to power over a united vietnam and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate these things must be remembered Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands Hanoi remembers how our leaders ref used to tell us the truth about the earlier north Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president cla imed that none existed w hen they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousa nds of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores. At this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called enemy I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything e lse. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not sim ply the brutaliz ing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cyn icism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we cla im to be fighting
Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For f rom his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit f rom the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition. So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. Af ter 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered. Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands. Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away f rom its shores. At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know af ter a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting
for are really involved Bef ore long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy and the secure while we create a hell for the poor Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are pay ing the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken i speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation the great initiative in this war is ours the initiative to stop it must be ours This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will democracy but the image of violence and militarism(unquote) If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world w ill be left with no other a lternative than to see this as some horrible clumsy and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war. *I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the lo ng and d iff icult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmos phere for negotiation
for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor. Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours. This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote: Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote). If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be lef t with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong f rom the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply f rom our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war. *I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves f rom this nightmarish conflict: Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam. Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation
Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National liberation Front has substantial support in South vie negotiations and any future Vietnam government Five: * Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement Part of our ongoing. . part of our ongoing commitment might we ll express itse If in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country if necessary. Meanwhile . meanwhile we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgrace ul commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible *As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than sevent students at my own a Ima mater, morehouse college and i recommend it to a ll who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover, I ould encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors. These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest Now there is something seductive ly tempting about stop ping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality . . and if we ignore this sobering reality re will f ind ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned"committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and peru. they will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. they will be concerned about Mozambique and South Af rica. We will be marching for these and a dozen other
Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos. Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government. Five: *Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops f rom Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement. Part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an of fer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. Meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself f rom a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible. *As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draf t age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest. Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all of f on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing. The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Af rica. We will be marching for these and a dozen other
names and attend ing rallies without end, unless there is a signif icant and profound change in American life and policy And so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God In 1957. a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years,we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression w hich has now justif ied the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in Per It is with such activ ity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable. Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by ref using to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense prof its of overseas investments i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapid ly begin we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, prof it motives a nd property rights are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism and militarism are incapable of being conquered A true revolution of val to question the fairness and jus tice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we are called to play the lifes roadside but that will ly an initial act must come to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and hig hway. True compass ion is more than fling ing a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edif ice which produces beggars needs restructuring
names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy. And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God. In 1957, a sensitive American of ficial overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru. It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come f rom the immense profits of overseas investments. I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shif t f rom a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered. A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring