《性别、亲密关系与社会》课程教学资源：The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children

PAUL R.AMATO The Pennsylvania State University The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children I use a divorce-stress-adjustment perspective to in divorce (Preston McDonald,1979).In con- summarize and organize the empirical literature trast,demographers estimate that about half of on the consequences of divorce for adults and first marriages initiated in recent years will be vol- children.My review draws on research in the untarily dissolved(Cherlin,1992).Observers have 1990s to answer five questions:How do individ- attributed this change to a number of factors,in- uals from married and divorced families differ in cluding the increasing economic independence of well-being?Are these differences due to divorce women,declining earnings among men without or to selection?Do these differences reflect a tem- college degrees,rising expectations for personal porary crisis to which most people gradually fulfillment from marriage,and greater social ac- adapt or stable life strains that persist more or ceptance of divorce (Cherlin,1992;Furstenberg, less indefinitely?What factors mediate the effects 1994;White,.1991). of divorce on individual adjustment?And finally, Remarriage following divorce is common,and what are the moderators (protective factors)that nearly one-half of current marriages involve a sec- account for individual variability in adjustment to ond (or higher order)marriage for one or both divorce?In general,the accumulated research partners(U.S.Bureau of the Census,1998,Table suggests that marital dissolution has the potential 157).Second (and higher order)marriages,how- to create considerable turmoil in people's lives. ever,have an even greater likelihood of dissolu- But people vary greatly in their reactions.Divorce tion than first marriages.As a result,about one benefits some individuals,leads others to experi- out of every six adults endures two or more di- ence temporary decrements in well-being,and vorces (Cherlin,1992).The shift from a dominant forces others on a downward trajectory from pattern of lifelong marriage to one of serial mar- which they might never recover fully.Understand- riage punctuated by periods of being single rep- ing the contingencies under which divorce leads resents a fundamental change in how adults meet to these diverse outcomes is a priority for future their needs for intimacy over the life course. research. The increase in marital dissolution has had ma- jor implications for the settings in which children Of all the changes in family life during the 20th are nurtured and socialized.Slightly more than century,perhaps the most dramatic-and the most half of all divorces involve children under the age of 18.More than one million children experience far-reaching in its implications-was the increase parental divorce every year (U.S.Bureau of the in the rate of divorce.Near the middle of the 19th Census,1998,Table 160),and about 40%of all century,only about 5%of first marriages ended children will experience parental divorce before reaching adulthood (Bumpass,1990).The high Department of Sociology,The Pennsylvania State Univer rate of marital disruption,combined with an in- sity,University Park,PA 16802-6207(pxa6@psu.edu). crease in births outside marriage,means that about Key Words:children of divorce,divorce,family-level stres- half of all children will reside at least temporarily sors. in single-parent households,usually with their Journal of Marriage and the Family 62 (November 2000):1269-1287 1269

Journal of Marriage and the Family 62 (November 2000): 1269–1287 1269 PAUL l R. AMATO The Pennsylvania State University The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children I use a divorce-stress-adjustment perspective to summarize and organize the empirical literature on the consequences of divorce for adults and children. My review draws on research in the 1990s to answer five questions: How do individ￾uals from married and divorced families differ in well-being? Are these differences due to divorce or to selection? Do these differences reflect a tem￾porary crisis to which most people gradually adapt or stable life strains that persist more or less indefinitely? What factors mediate the effects of divorce on individual adjustment? And finally, what are the moderators (protective factors) that account for individual variability in adjustment to divorce? In general, the accumulated research suggests that marital dissolution has the potential to create considerable turmoil in people’s lives. But people vary greatly in their reactions. Divorce benefits some individuals, leads others to experi￾ence temporary decrements in well-being, and forces others on a downward trajectory from which they might never recover fully. Understand￾ing the contingencies under which divorce leads to these diverse outcomes is a priority for future research. Of all the changes in family life during the 20th century, perhaps the most dramatic—and the most far-reaching in its implications—was the increase in the rate of divorce. Near the middle of the 19th century, only about 5% of first marriages ended Department of Sociology, The Pennsylvania State Univer￾sity, University Park, PA 16802-6207 (pxa6@psu.edu). Key Words: children of divorce, divorce, family-level stres￾sors. in divorce (Preston & McDonald, 1979). In con￾trast, demographers estimate that about half of first marriages initiated in recent years will be vol￾untarily dissolved (Cherlin, 1992). Observers have attributed this change to a number of factors, in￾cluding the increasing economic independence of women, declining earnings among men without college degrees, rising expectations for personal fulfillment from marriage, and greater social ac￾ceptance of divorce (Cherlin, 1992; Furstenberg, 1994; White, 1991). Remarriage following divorce is common, and nearly one-half of current marriages involve a sec￾ond (or higher order) marriage for one or both partners (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998, Table 157). Second (and higher order) marriages, how￾ever, have an even greater likelihood of dissolu￾tion than first marriages. As a result, about one out of every six adults endures two or more di￾vorces (Cherlin, 1992). The shift from a dominant pattern of lifelong marriage to one of serial mar￾riage punctuated by periods of being single rep￾resents a fundamental change in how adults meet their needs for intimacy over the life course. The increase in marital dissolution has had ma￾jor implications for the settings in which children are nurtured and socialized. Slightly more than half of all divorces involve children under the age of 18. More than one million children experience parental divorce every year (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998, Table 160), and about 40% of all children will experience parental divorce before reaching adulthood (Bumpass, 1990). The high rate of marital disruption, combined with an in￾crease in births outside marriage, means that about half of all children will reside at least temporarily in single-parent households, usually with their

1270 Journal of Marriage and the Family mothers (Castro Bumpass.1989).Because of and a lack of government services represent more remarriage,about one in seven children currently serious threats to the well-being of adults and chil- lives with a parent and a stepparent (Cherlin. dren than does marital instability (Coontz,1992; 1992).and about one in three children will live Demo,1992;Skolnick,1991;Stacey,1996) with a stepparent for some time prior to reaching The polemical nature of divorce scholarship age 19(Glick,1989).These patterns vary by race. makes it difficult to write on this topic without For example,compared with Whites,African being identified as either a conservative or a lib- Americans are more likely to bear children outside eral voice.Nevertheless,although complete objec- of marriage,more likely to divorce,and more tivity is impossible,my goal in this article is to likely to cohabit rather than remarry following di- assess the state of knowledge on divorce in a bal- vorce (Cherlin,1992).Nevertheless,regardless of anced and relatively nonpartisan manner.Indeed, race,the decline in two-parent households,the in- a review of current literature might help to inform crease in nonresident parents,and the introduction the debate between those who see divorce as a of parents'new partners (whether married or co- major social problem and those who see divorce habiting)into the home represent major transfor- as a necessary and beneficial alternative to man- mations in the lives of America's children. datory lifelong marriage The increase in divorce-and the implications Because it is impossible to cover the full of this increase for the lives of adults and chil- breadth of divorce scholarship in the 1990s in a dren-has generated a high level of interest single article,my review focuses on the conse- among social scientists.Indeed,a search of the quences of divorce for the well-being of adults SOCIOFILE database revealed 9,282 articles pub- and children.I chose this focus because it encom- lished (and dissertations completed)between 1990 passes,either directly or indirectly,much of the and 1999 in which"divorce"appeared in the title research in this field and because it is central to or abstract.The authors of these works represent debates about the rise in marital instability.I omit a variety of disciplines,including developmental (or touch only briefly on)many other aspects of psychology,clinical psychology,family therapy, divorce,such as legal issues related to custody sociology,demography,communication studies, determination and child support.I also exclude family science,history,economics,social work, material on the dissolution of cohabiting relation- public health,social policy,and law.The extent ships (including those with children)because we and diversity of divorce scholarship pose a sober- know relatively little about this topic.Readers ing challenge to any reviewer attempting to syn- should note that my review draws on qualitative thesize current knowledge on this topic. as well as quantitative research,although I do not Reviewing the literature on divorce also is usually identify individual studies on the basis of challenging because of the ongoing,contentious their methodology. debate over the consequences of marital disrup- tion for adults and children.Some scholars see the THEORY two-parent family as the fundamental institution of society-the setting in which adults achieve a Researchers in the 1990s have employed a variety sense of meaning.stability,and security and the of theories and conceptual perspectives to explain setting in which children develop into healthy, how divorce affects adults and children:these in- competent,and productive citizens.According to clude feminist theory (Carbonne,1994),attach- this view,the spread of single-parent families con- ment theory (Hazan Shaver.1992).attribution tributes to many social problems,including pov- theory (Grych Fincham,1992),symbolic inter- erty,crime,substance abuse,declining academic actionism (Orbuch,1992),systems theory (Em- standards.and the erosion of neighborhoods and ery,1994),the social capital perspective (Teach- communities (Blankenhorn.1995:Glenn.1996: man.Paasch.Carver,1996).and the life-course Popenoe,1996).In contrast,other scholars argue perspective (Amato Booth,1997).The largest that adults find fulfillment,and children develop number of studies,however,begin with the as- successfully,in a variety of family structures.Ac- sumption that marital disruption is a stressful life cording to this view,divorce,although temporar- transition to which adults and children must ad- ily stressful,represents a second chance for hap- just.Many researchers link their work to estab- piness for adults and an escape from a lished stress perspectives,such as family stress dysfunctional home environment for children. and coping theory (Hill,1949;McCubbin Pat- Poverty,abuse,neglect,poorly funded schools, terson,1983;Plunkett,Sanchez,Henry,Rob-

1270 Journal of Marriage and the Family mothers (Castro & Bumpass, 1989). Because of remarriage, about one in seven children currently lives with a parent and a stepparent (Cherlin, 1992), and about one in three children will live with a stepparent for some time prior to reaching age 19 (Glick, 1989). These patterns vary by race. For example, compared with Whites, African Americans are more likely to bear children outside of marriage, more likely to divorce, and more likely to cohabit rather than remarry following di￾vorce (Cherlin, 1992). Nevertheless, regardless of race, the decline in two-parent households, the in￾crease in nonresident parents, and the introduction of parents’ new partners (whether married or co￾habiting) into the home represent major transfor￾mations in the lives of America’s children. The increase in divorce—and the implications of this increase for the lives of adults and chil￾dren—has generated a high level of interest among social scientists. Indeed, a search of the SOCIOFILE database revealed 9,282 articles pub￾lished (and dissertations completed) between 1990 and 1999 in which ‘‘divorce’’ appeared in the title or abstract. The authors of these works represent a variety of disciplines, including developmental psychology, clinical psychology, family therapy, sociology, demography, communication studies, family science, history, economics, social work, public health, social policy, and law. The extent and diversity of divorce scholarship pose a sober￾ing challenge to any reviewer attempting to syn￾thesize current knowledge on this topic. Reviewing the literature on divorce also is challenging because of the ongoing, contentious debate over the consequences of marital disrup￾tion for adults and children. Some scholars see the two-parent family as the fundamental institution of society—the setting in which adults achieve a sense of meaning, stability, and security and the setting in which children develop into healthy, competent, and productive citizens. According to this view, the spread of single-parent families con￾tributes to many social problems, including pov￾erty, crime, substance abuse, declining academic standards, and the erosion of neighborhoods and communities (Blankenhorn, 1995; Glenn, 1996; Popenoe, 1996). In contrast, other scholars argue that adults find fulfillment, and children develop successfully, in a variety of family structures. Ac￾cording to this view, divorce, although temporar￾ily stressful, represents a second chance for hap￾piness for adults and an escape from a dysfunctional home environment for children. Poverty, abuse, neglect, poorly funded schools, and a lack of government services represent more serious threats to the well-being of adults and chil￾dren than does marital instability (Coontz, 1992; Demo, 1992; Skolnick, 1991; Stacey, 1996). The polemical nature of divorce scholarship makes it difficult to write on this topic without being identified as either a conservative or a lib￾eral voice. Nevertheless, although complete objec￾tivity is impossible, my goal in this article is to assess the state of knowledge on divorce in a bal￾anced and relatively nonpartisan manner. Indeed, a review of current literature might help to inform the debate between those who see divorce as a major social problem and those who see divorce as a necessary and beneficial alternative to man￾datory lifelong marriage. Because it is impossible to cover the full breadth of divorce scholarship in the 1990s in a single article, my review focuses on the conse￾quences of divorce for the well-being of adults and children. I chose this focus because it encom￾passes, either directly or indirectly, much of the research in this field and because it is central to debates about the rise in marital instability. I omit (or touch only briefly on) many other aspects of divorce, such as legal issues related to custody determination and child support. I also exclude material on the dissolution of cohabiting relation￾ships (including those with children) because we know relatively little about this topic. Readers should note that my review draws on qualitative as well as quantitative research, although I do not usually identify individual studies on the basis of their methodology. THEORY Researchers in the 1990s have employed a variety of theories and conceptual perspectives to explain how divorce affects adults and children; these in￾clude feminist theory (Carbonne, 1994), attach￾ment theory (Hazan & Shaver, 1992), attribution theory (Grych & Fincham, 1992), symbolic inter￾actionism (Orbuch, 1992), systems theory (Em￾ery, 1994), the social capital perspective (Teach￾man, Paasch, & Carver, 1996), and the life-course perspective (Amato & Booth, 1997). The largest number of studies, however, begin with the as￾sumption that marital disruption is a stressful life transition to which adults and children must ad￾just. Many researchers link their work to estab￾lished stress perspectives, such as family stress and coping theory (Hill, 1949; McCubbin & Pat￾terson, 1983; Plunkett, Sanchez, Henry, & Rob-

The Consequences of Divorce 1271 FIGURE 1.THE DIVORCE-STRESS-ADJUSTMENT PERSPECTIVE Mediators(Stressors) Adjustment Adults Sole parenting responsibility or loss Severity and duration of of custody of children psychological,behavioral, and health problems Loss of emotional support Continuing conflict with ex-spouse Economic decline Functioning in new roles Other stressful divorce-related events Identity and lifestyle not Divorce Children tied to former marriage Process Decline in parental support and Short-term(crisis model) effective control Loss of contact with one parent Continuing conflict between parents Long-term(chronic strain model) Economic decline Other stressful divorce-related events Moderators(Protective Factors) Resources (individual,interpersonal,structural) Definition and meaning of divorce Demographic characteristics inson,1997),general stress theory(Pearlin,Men- process typically sets into motion numerous aghan,Lieberman,Mullan,1981;Thoits, events that people experience as stressful.These 1995),and the risk and resiliency perspective stressors,in turn,increase the risk of negative (Cowan,Cowan,Schulz,1996;Hetherington. emotional,behavioral.and health outcomes for 1999:Rutter.1987).Because stress frameworks adults and children.The severity and duration of dominate the literature on divorce,I give them these negative outcomes varies from person to particular attention here.And because these person,depending on the presence of a variety of frameworks have much in common,I combine moderating or protective factors.Successful ad- their various elements into a general divorce- justment occurs to the extent that individuals ex- stress-adjustment perspective.This conceptual perience few divorce-related symptoms,are able model integrates the assumptions found in many to function well in new family,work,or school discrete pieces of research,helps to summarize roles,and have developed an identity and lifestyle and organize specific research findings from the that is no longer tied to the former marriage (Kit- 1990s,and provides a guide for future research on son,1992;Kitson Morgan,1990). divorce.This perspective also is useful because it Thinking of divorce as a process leads to sev- can be applied to children as well as adults. eral useful insights.Uncoupling begins with feel- ings of estrangement-feelings that typically The Divorce-Stress-Adjustment Perspective emerge after a period of growing dissatisfaction with the relationship(Kayser,1993).Because vir- The divorce-stress-adjustment perspective,out- tually all people enter marriage with the expec- lined in the Figure,views marital dissolution not tation (or the hope)that it will be a mutually sup- as a discrete event but as a process that begins portive,rewarding,lifelong relationship, while the couple lives together and ends long after estrangement from one's spouse is typically a the legal divorce is concluded.The uncoupling painful experience.Estranged spouses might

The Consequences of Divorce 1271 FIGURE 1. THE DIVORCE-STRESS-ADJUSTMENT PERSPECTIVE inson, 1997), general stress theory (Pearlin, Men￾aghan, Lieberman, & Mullan, 1981; Thoits, 1995), and the risk and resiliency perspective (Cowan, Cowan, & Schulz, 1996; Hetherington, 1999; Rutter, 1987). Because stress frameworks dominate the literature on divorce, I give them particular attention here. And because these frameworks have much in common, I combine their various elements into a general divorce￾stress-adjustment perspective. This conceptual model integrates the assumptions found in many discrete pieces of research, helps to summarize and organize specific research findings from the 1990s, and provides a guide for future research on divorce. This perspective also is useful because it can be applied to children as well as adults. The Divorce-Stress-Adjustment Perspective The divorce-stress-adjustment perspective, out￾lined in the Figure, views marital dissolution not as a discrete event but as a process that begins while the couple lives together and ends long after the legal divorce is concluded. The uncoupling process typically sets into motion numerous events that people experience as stressful. These stressors, in turn, increase the risk of negative emotional, behavioral, and health outcomes for adults and children. The severity and duration of these negative outcomes varies from person to person, depending on the presence of a variety of moderating or protective factors. Successful ad￾justment occurs to the extent that individuals ex￾perience few divorce-related symptoms, are able to function well in new family, work, or school roles, and have developed an identity and lifestyle that is no longer tied to the former marriage (Kit￾son, 1992; Kitson & Morgan, 1990). Thinking of divorce as a process leads to sev￾eral useful insights. Uncoupling begins with feel￾ings of estrangement—feelings that typically emerge after a period of growing dissatisfaction with the relationship (Kayser, 1993). Because vir￾tually all people enter marriage with the expec￾tation (or the hope) that it will be a mutually sup￾portive, rewarding, lifelong relationship, estrangement from one’s spouse is typically a painful experience. Estranged spouses might

1272 Journal of Marriage and the Family spend considerable time attempting to renegotiate to children.divorce can result in less effective par- the relationship,seeking advice from others,or enting from the custodial parent,a decrease inin- simply avoiding (denying)the problem.Conse- volvement with the noncustodial parent,exposure quently,the first negative effects of divorce on to continuing interparental discord,a decline in adults can occur years prior to final separation and economic resources,and other disruptive life legal dissolution.In addition.overt conflict be- events such as moving,changing schools,and ad- tween parents during this period might lead to be- ditional parental marriages and divorces.These havior problems in children-problems that can mediating factors represent the mechanisms be viewed as early effects of marital dissolution through which divorce affects people's function- (Davies Cummings,1994). ing and well-being.(For discussions of mediators. Furthermore,it is often the case that one see Amato,1993;Kitson,1992;McLanahan spouse wants the marriage to end more than the Booth.1989:McLanahan Sandefur.1994: other spouse does (Emery,1994).When this hap- Rodgers Pryor,1998:Simons and Associates pens,the spouse who is considering divorce might 1996.) mourn the end of the marriage even though it is It is important to recognize that mediators can still legally and physically intact.Indeed,when be viewed as outcomes in their own right.For the marriage is legally terminated,the initiating example,a particular study might focus on the spouse often experiences a great deal of relief. impact of divorce on single mothers'standard of The spouse who wanted the marriage to continue, living.But a declining standard of living,in turn, in contrast,might not mourn the end of the mar- can have consequences for single mothers'sense riage until the legal divorce is completed.Spous- of financial security,children's nutrition,and older es,therefore,often experience the greatest degree adolescents'opportunities to attend college.Me- of emotional distress at different points in the di- diators,therefore,represent short-or medium- vorce process(Emery,1994).The same principle term outcomes of divorce that can have additional applies to children.For example,an older child long-term consequences for adults'and children's might experience stress prior to the divorce,dur- well-being. ing the period when the parents'marriage is un- Moderators introduce variability into the man- raveling.For this older child,the physical sepa- ner in which divorce and mediating factors are ration of constantly warring parents might come linked to personal outcomes.Protective factors act as a relief.For a younger child in the same family, like shock absorbers and weaken the links be- however,the departure of one parent from the tween divorce-related events and people's expe- household might be a bewildering event that gen- rience of stress,and hence the extent to which erates considerable anxiety.In other words.mem- divorce is followed by negative emotional,behav- bers of divorcing families can experience different ioral,or health outcomes (Rutter.1987).Re- trajectories of stress and adjustment. sources that lessen the negative impact of divorce Legal divorce does not necessarily bring an might reside within the individual (self-efficacy, end to the stress associated with an unhappy mar- coping skills,social skills),in interpersonal rela- riage,even for the partner who initiates the di- tionships (social support),and in structural roles vorce.Instead,during the time in which the mar- and settings (employment,community services. riage is ending,and in the immediate postdivorce supportive government policies).For example,al- period,new events and processes (mediators) though divorce often brings about an initial de- emerge that have the potential to affect people's cline in emotional support,people vary in their emotions,behavior,and health.For adults,medi- ability to reconstruct social networks following di- ators include:having sole responsibility for the vorce,including how quickly they are able to care of children (among custodial parents);losing form new,supportive intimate relationships.An- contact with one's children (among noncustodial other moderator refers to the manner in which parents),continuing conflict with the ex-spouse people regard divorce,with some individuals over child support,visitation,or custody;loss of viewing it as a personal tragedy (typically the emotional support due to declining contact with partner who is left behind)and others viewing it in-laws,married friends,and neighbors;down- as an opportunity for personal growth or as an ward economic mobility (especially for mothers); escape from an aversive or dysfunctional marriage and other disruptive life events,such as moving (typically the partner who initiates the divorce). from the family home into less expensive accom- Finally,a number of demographic characteristics, modation in a poorer neighborhood.With regard such as gender,age,race,ethnicity,and culture

1272 Journal of Marriage and the Family spend considerable time attempting to renegotiate the relationship, seeking advice from others, or simply avoiding (denying) the problem. Conse￾quently, the first negative effects of divorce on adults can occur years prior to final separation and legal dissolution. In addition, overt conflict be￾tween parents during this period might lead to be￾havior problems in children—problems that can be viewed as early effects of marital dissolution (Davies & Cummings, 1994). Furthermore, it is often the case that one spouse wants the marriage to end more than the other spouse does (Emery, 1994). When this hap￾pens, the spouse who is considering divorce might mourn the end of the marriage even though it is still legally and physically intact. Indeed, when the marriage is legally terminated, the initiating spouse often experiences a great deal of relief. The spouse who wanted the marriage to continue, in contrast, might not mourn the end of the mar￾riage until the legal divorce is completed. Spous￾es, therefore, often experience the greatest degree of emotional distress at different points in the di￾vorce process (Emery, 1994). The same principle applies to children. For example, an older child might experience stress prior to the divorce, dur￾ing the period when the parents’ marriage is un￾raveling. For this older child, the physical sepa￾ration of constantly warring parents might come as a relief. For a younger child in the same family, however, the departure of one parent from the household might be a bewildering event that gen￾erates considerable anxiety. In other words, mem￾bers of divorcing families can experience different trajectories of stress and adjustment. Legal divorce does not necessarily bring an end to the stress associated with an unhappy mar￾riage, even for the partner who initiates the di￾vorce. Instead, during the time in which the mar￾riage is ending, and in the immediate postdivorce period, new events and processes (mediators) emerge that have the potential to affect people’s emotions, behavior, and health. For adults, medi￾ators include: having sole responsibility for the care of children (among custodial parents); losing contact with one’s children (among noncustodial parents); continuing conflict with the ex-spouse over child support, visitation, or custody; loss of emotional support due to declining contact with in-laws, married friends, and neighbors; down￾ward economic mobility (especially for mothers); and other disruptive life events, such as moving from the family home into less expensive accom￾modation in a poorer neighborhood. With regard to children, divorce can result in less effective par￾enting from the custodial parent, a decrease in in￾volvement with the noncustodial parent, exposure to continuing interparental discord, a decline in economic resources, and other disruptive life events such as moving, changing schools, and ad￾ditional parental marriages and divorces. These mediating factors represent the mechanisms through which divorce affects people’s function￾ing and well-being. (For discussions of mediators, see Amato, 1993; Kitson, 1992; McLanahan & Booth, 1989; McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994; Rodgers & Pryor, 1998; Simons and Associates, 1996.) It is important to recognize that mediators can be viewed as outcomes in their own right. For example, a particular study might focus on the impact of divorce on single mothers’ standard of living. But a declining standard of living, in turn, can have consequences for single mothers’ sense of financial security, children’s nutrition, and older adolescents’ opportunities to attend college. Me￾diators, therefore, represent short- or medium￾term outcomes of divorce that can have additional long-term consequences for adults’ and children’s well-being. Moderators introduce variability into the man￾ner in which divorce and mediating factors are linked to personal outcomes. Protective factors act like shock absorbers and weaken the links be￾tween divorce-related events and people’s expe￾rience of stress, and hence the extent to which divorce is followed by negative emotional, behav￾ioral, or health outcomes (Rutter, 1987). Re￾sources that lessen the negative impact of divorce might reside within the individual (self-efficacy, coping skills, social skills), in interpersonal rela￾tionships (social support), and in structural roles and settings (employment, community services, supportive government policies). For example, al￾though divorce often brings about an initial de￾cline in emotional support, people vary in their ability to reconstruct social networks following di￾vorce, including how quickly they are able to form new, supportive intimate relationships. An￾other moderator refers to the manner in which people regard divorce, with some individuals viewing it as a personal tragedy (typically the partner who is left behind) and others viewing it as an opportunity for personal growth or as an escape from an aversive or dysfunctional marriage (typically the partner who initiates the divorce). Finally, a number of demographic characteristics, such as gender, age, race, ethnicity, and culture

The Consequences of Divorce 1273 can moderate the effects of divorce.As a result The Selection Perspective of the particular configuration of moderating fac- tors,some individuals are resilient and others are The main alternative to the divorce-stress-adjust- vulnerable following divorce,resulting in a diver- ment perspective is based on the notion that poor sity of outcomes.(For discussions of these and ly adjusted people are selected out of marriage. other moderators see Bloom,Asher,White, According to the selection perspective,certain in- 1978:Booth Amato.1991:Pearlin et al..1981: dividuals possess problematic personal and social Wheaton.1990). characteristics that not only predispose them to Imbedded within the divorce-stress-adiustment divorce,but also lead them to score low on indi- perspective are two contrary models.The first,a cators of well-being after the marriage ends.Con- crisis model,assumes that divorce represents a sequently,the adjustment problems frequently ob- disturbance to which most individuals adjust over served among the divorced might be present early time.According to the crisis model,factors such in the marriage or might predate the marriage. as personal resources and definitions determine Some evidence is consistent with the assumption the speed with which adjustment occurs.But giv- that people bring traits to marriage that increase en a sufficient amount of time,the great majority the risk of divorce,including antisocial personal- of individuals return to their predivorce level of ity traits,depression,and a general history of psy- functioning.The second model,a chronic strain chological problems (Capaldi Patterson,1991: model,assumes that being divorced involves per- Davies,Avison,McAlpine,1997;Hope,Power, sistent strains,such as economic hardship,lone- Rodgers,1999:Kitson.1992:Kurdek.1990). liness,and,for single parents,sole parenting re- Whereas the divorce-stress-adjustment perspective sponsibilities.Because these problems do not go assumes that marital disruption causes adjustment away,declines in well-being associated with di- problems,the selection perspective assumes that vorce might continue more or less indefinitely adjustment problems cause marital disruption.Se- According to the chronic strain model,factors lection also can occur if the best adjusted divorced such as personal resources and definitions deter- individuals are especially likely to remarry.If this mine the level of distress that individuals experi- is true,then the mean level of functioning in the ence,but divorced individuals do not,in general. divorced (and not remarried)population should return to the same level of well-being they expe- decline over time. rienced early in the marriage. The selection perspective,as applied to chil- Some researchers have argued that stress per- dren.assumes that at least some child problems spectives tend to focus exclusively on the negative observed following divorce are present during the aspects of divorce and ignore positive outcomes marriage-an assumption consistent with several for adults (Ahrons.1994:Wheaton.1990)and longitudinal studies(Amato Booth,1996;Cher- children (Barber Eccles,1992:Gately lin et al..1991:Elliot Richards.1991:Hether- Schwebel,1991).For example,women(as well as ington,1999).Many researchers assume that these their children)might feel that they are substan- problems are caused by parents'marital discord tially better off when a relationship with an abu- or by inept parenting on the part of distressed or sive husband ends.The notion that divorce can be antisocial parents.Of course,to the extent that beneficial,however,is not inconsistent with the dysfunctional family patterns are reflections of the divorce-stress-adjustment perspective.Many unraveling of the marriage,then these early ef- stress theorists.such as Thoits (1995)and Whea- fects on children can be viewed as part of the ton (1990),have argued that potentially stressful divorce process.But the selection perspective events,such as divorce,can have positive long- goes one step further and argues that inherent term consequences when people resolve their characteristics of parents,such as antisocial per- problems successfully.Indeed,the divorce-stress- sonality traits,are direct causes of dysfunctional adjustment perspective explicitly focuses on the family patterns and divorce,as well as child prob- contingencies that lead to negative,positive,or lems.The discovery that concordance (similarity mixed outcomes for individuals.Nevertheless,the between siblings)for divorce among adults is divorce-stress-adjustment perspective assumes higher among monozygotic than dizygotic twins that for most people,the ending of a marriage is suggests that genes might predispose some people a stressful experience,even if much of the stress to behaviors that increase the risk of divorce occurs prior to the legal divorce,is temporary,or (McGue Lykken,1992;Jockin,McGue,Lyk- is accompanied by some positive outcomes. ken,1996).Consequently,some children from di-

The Consequences of Divorce 1273 can moderate the effects of divorce. As a result of the particular configuration of moderating fac￾tors, some individuals are resilient and others are vulnerable following divorce, resulting in a diver￾sity of outcomes. (For discussions of these and other moderators see Bloom, Asher, & White, 1978; Booth & Amato, 1991; Pearlin et al., 1981; Wheaton, 1990). Imbedded within the divorce-stress-adjustment perspective are two contrary models. The first, a crisis model, assumes that divorce represents a disturbance to which most individuals adjust over time. According to the crisis model, factors such as personal resources and definitions determine the speed with which adjustment occurs. But giv￾en a sufficient amount of time, the great majority of individuals return to their predivorce level of functioning. The second model, a chronic strain model, assumes that being divorced involves per￾sistent strains, such as economic hardship, lone￾liness, and, for single parents, sole parenting re￾sponsibilities. Because these problems do not go away, declines in well-being associated with di￾vorce might continue more or less indefinitely. According to the chronic strain model, factors such as personal resources and definitions deter￾mine the level of distress that individuals experi￾ence, but divorced individuals do not, in general, return to the same level of well-being they expe￾rienced early in the marriage. Some researchers have argued that stress per￾spectives tend to focus exclusively on the negative aspects of divorce and ignore positive outcomes for adults (Ahrons, 1994; Wheaton, 1990) and children (Barber & Eccles, 1992; Gately & Schwebel, 1991). For example, women (as well as their children) might feel that they are substan￾tially better off when a relationship with an abu￾sive husband ends. The notion that divorce can be beneficial, however, is not inconsistent with the divorce-stress-adjustment perspective. Many stress theorists, such as Thoits (1995) and Whea￾ton (1990), have argued that potentially stressful events, such as divorce, can have positive long￾term consequences when people resolve their problems successfully. Indeed, the divorce-stress￾adjustment perspective explicitly focuses on the contingencies that lead to negative, positive, or mixed outcomes for individuals. Nevertheless, the divorce-stress-adjustment perspective assumes that for most people, the ending of a marriage is a stressful experience, even if much of the stress occurs prior to the legal divorce, is temporary, or is accompanied by some positive outcomes. The Selection Perspective The main alternative to the divorce-stress-adjust￾ment perspective is based on the notion that poor￾ly adjusted people are selected out of marriage. According to the selection perspective, certain in￾dividuals possess problematic personal and social characteristics that not only predispose them to divorce, but also lead them to score low on indi￾cators of well-being after the marriage ends. Con￾sequently, the adjustment problems frequently ob￾served among the divorced might be present early in the marriage or might predate the marriage. Some evidence is consistent with the assumption that people bring traits to marriage that increase the risk of divorce, including antisocial personal￾ity traits, depression, and a general history of psy￾chological problems (Capaldi & Patterson, 1991; Davies, Avison, & McAlpine, 1997; Hope, Power, & Rodgers, 1999; Kitson, 1992; Kurdek, 1990). Whereas the divorce-stress-adjustment perspective assumes that marital disruption causes adjustment problems, the selection perspective assumes that adjustment problems cause marital disruption. Se￾lection also can occur if the best adjusted divorced individuals are especially likely to remarry. If this is true, then the mean level of functioning in the divorced (and not remarried) population should decline over time. The selection perspective, as applied to chil￾dren, assumes that at least some child problems observed following divorce are present during the marriage—an assumption consistent with several longitudinal studies (Amato & Booth, 1996; Cher￾lin et al., 1991; Elliot & Richards, 1991; Hether￾ington, 1999). Many researchers assume that these problems are caused by parents’ marital discord or by inept parenting on the part of distressed or antisocial parents. Of course, to the extent that dysfunctional family patterns are reflections of the unraveling of the marriage, then these early ef￾fects on children can be viewed as part of the divorce process. But the selection perspective goes one step further and argues that inherent characteristics of parents, such as antisocial per￾sonality traits, are direct causes of dysfunctional family patterns and divorce, as well as child prob￾lems. The discovery that concordance (similarity between siblings) for divorce among adults is higher among monozygotic than dizygotic twins suggests that genes might predispose some people to behaviors that increase the risk of divorce (McGue & Lykken, 1992; Jockin, McGue, & Lyk￾ken, 1996). Consequently, some children from di-

1274 Journal of Marriage and the Family vorced families might exhibit problems because House,Hopkins,Slaten,1996),less satisfying they have inherited genetic traits from their (pre- sex lives (Laumann,Gagnon,Michael,Mi- sumably troubled)parents.According to this per- chaels.1994).and more negative life events(Kit- spective,to the extent that parents'personalities son.1992:Lorenz et al.,1997:Simons and As- and genetically transmitted predispositions are sociates,1996).Divorced individuals also have a causes of divorce as well as child problems,the lower standard of living,possess less wealth,and apparent effects of divorce on children are spuri- experience greater economic hardship than mar- ous. ried individuals (Hao.1996:Marks.1996:Ross. 1995.Teachman Paasch.1994).although this particular difference is considerably greater for RESEARCH ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF DIVORCE FOR ADULTS women than men.For parents,divorce is associ- ated with more difficulties in raising children (Fisher,Fagor,Leve,1998:Hetherington Comparisons of Divorced and Married Individuals Clingempeel,1992),less authoritative parenting (Ellwood Stolberg,1993;Simons Associates, A large number of studies published during the 1996:Thomson.McLanahan,Curtin,1992). 1990s found that divorced individuals,compared and greater parental role strain among noncusto- with married individuals,experience lower levels dial as well as custodial parents(Rogers White, of psychological well-being,including lower hap- 1998:Umberson Williams.1993).Of course. piness,more symptoms of psychological distress, this literature contains some null findings.But the and poorer self-concepts (Aseltine Kessler. general conclusion that emerges from studies pub- 1993:Davies et al..1997:Demo Acock.1996b lished in the 1990s-that the divorced are worse Kitson,1992;Lorenz et al.,1997;Marks,1996; off than the married in multiple ways-is consis- Mastekaasa.1994a.1994b.1995:Robins Re- tent with research conducted in the 1980s(Kitson gier,1991;Ross,1995;Shapiro,1996;Simon, Morgan,1990)and in earlier decades (Bloom 1998;Simon Marcussen,1999;Simons As- etal.,1978). sociates,1996;Umberson Williams.1993: Although the divorce-stress-adjustment per- White,1992).Compared with married individuals, spective assumes that marital dissolution increases divorced individuals also have more health prob- the risk of negative outcomes,it allows for the lems and a greater risk of mortality (Aldous possibility that some individuals experience posi- Ganey,1999;Hemstrom,1996;Joung et al.,1997; tive changes.Consistent with this notion,several Lillard Waite,1995:Murphy,Glaser,Grun- studies show that divorced individuals report dy,1997;Rogers,1996;Zick Smith,1991).Al- higher levels of autonomy and personal growth though the direction of these differences is than do married individuals (Kitson,1992:Marks. consistent,their magnitude varies across studies. 1996).Acock and Demo(1994)found that many For example,Hope,Power,and Rodgers (1999) divorced mothers reported improvements in career compared the depression scores of married and opportunities,social lives,and happiness follow- divorced mothers in a large,national British sam- ing divorce.Similarly,in a qualitative study, ple and found an effect size of.56,which trans- Riessmann (1990)found that women reported lates into a 188%increase in the odds of depres- more self-confidence and a stronger sense of con- sion.Other studies suggest smaller differences, trol following marital dissolution,and men re- however.Because no one has carried out a sys- ported more interpersonal skills and a greater will- tematic evaluation of effect sizes in this literature. ingness to self-disclose.In summary,although the it is difficult to make claims about the magnitude majority of studies document the negative conse- of group differences on average. quences of divorce,a small number of studies in- Research also shows that divorced and married dicate that divorce also has positive consequences individuals differ on a number of variables that for many individuals.If more studies explicitly can be viewed not only as outcomes in their own searched for positive outcomes,then the number right,but also as mediators of the long-term ef- of studies documenting beneficial effects of di- fects of marital dissolution on well-being.Com- vorce would almost certainly be larger pared with married individuals,divorced individ- uals report more social isolation (Joung et al. Causation or Selection? 1997;Marks,1996;Mastekaasa,1997;Peters Studies in the 1990s indicate that divorce is as- Leifbroer.1997:Ross,1995:Umberson.Chen. sociated with a variety of problematic outcomes

1274 Journal of Marriage and the Family vorced families might exhibit problems because they have inherited genetic traits from their (pre￾sumably troubled) parents. According to this per￾spective, to the extent that parents’ personalities and genetically transmitted predispositions are causes of divorce as well as child problems, the apparent effects of divorce on children are spuri￾ous. RESEARCH ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF DIVORCE FOR ADULTS Comparisons of Divorced and Married Individuals A large number of studies published during the 1990s found that divorced individuals, compared with married individuals, experience lower levels of psychological well-being, including lower hap￾piness, more symptoms of psychological distress, and poorer self-concepts (Aseltine & Kessler, 1993; Davies et al., 1997; Demo & Acock, 1996b; Kitson, 1992; Lorenz et al., 1997; Marks, 1996; Mastekaasa, 1994a, 1994b, 1995; Robins & Re￾gier, 1991; Ross, 1995; Shapiro, 1996; Simon, 1998; Simon & Marcussen, 1999; Simons & As￾sociates, 1996; Umberson & Williams, 1993; White, 1992). Compared with married individuals, divorced individuals also have more health prob￾lems and a greater risk of mortality (Aldous & Ganey, 1999; Hemstrom, 1996; Joung et al., 1997; Lillard & Waite, 1995; Murphy, Glaser, & Grun￾dy, 1997; Rogers, 1996; Zick & Smith, 1991). Al￾though the direction of these differences is consistent, their magnitude varies across studies. For example, Hope, Power, and Rodgers (1999) compared the depression scores of married and divorced mothers in a large, national British sam￾ple and found an effect size of .56, which trans￾lates into a 188% increase in the odds of depres￾sion. Other studies suggest smaller differences, however. Because no one has carried out a sys￾tematic evaluation of effect sizes in this literature, it is difficult to make claims about the magnitude of group differences on average. Research also shows that divorced and married individuals differ on a number of variables that can be viewed not only as outcomes in their own right, but also as mediators of the long-term ef￾fects of marital dissolution on well-being. Com￾pared with married individuals, divorced individ￾uals report more social isolation (Joung et al., 1997; Marks, 1996; Mastekaasa, 1997; Peters & Leifbroer, 1997; Ross, 1995; Umberson, Chen, House, Hopkins, & Slaten, 1996), less satisfying sex lives (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Mi￾chaels, 1994), and more negative life events (Kit￾son, 1992; Lorenz et al., 1997; Simons and As￾sociates, 1996). Divorced individuals also have a lower standard of living, possess less wealth, and experience greater economic hardship than mar￾ried individuals (Hao, 1996; Marks, 1996; Ross, 1995, Teachman & Paasch, 1994), although this particular difference is considerably greater for women than men. For parents, divorce is associ￾ated with more difficulties in raising children (Fisher, Fagor, & Leve, 1998; Hetherington & Clingempeel, 1992), less authoritative parenting (Ellwood & Stolberg, 1993; Simons & Associates, 1996; Thomson, McLanahan, & Curtin, 1992), and greater parental role strain among noncusto￾dial as well as custodial parents (Rogers & White, 1998; Umberson & Williams, 1993). Of course, this literature contains some null findings. But the general conclusion that emerges from studies pub￾lished in the 1990s—that the divorced are worse off than the married in multiple ways—is consis￾tent with research conducted in the 1980s (Kitson & Morgan, 1990) and in earlier decades (Bloom et al., 1978). Although the divorce-stress-adjustment per￾spective assumes that marital dissolution increases the risk of negative outcomes, it allows for the possibility that some individuals experience posi￾tive changes. Consistent with this notion, several studies show that divorced individuals report higher levels of autonomy and personal growth than do married individuals (Kitson, 1992; Marks, 1996). Acock and Demo (1994) found that many divorced mothers reported improvements in career opportunities, social lives, and happiness follow￾ing divorce. Similarly, in a qualitative study, Riessmann (1990) found that women reported more self-confidence and a stronger sense of con￾trol following marital dissolution, and men re￾ported more interpersonal skills and a greater will￾ingness to self-disclose. In summary, although the majority of studies document the negative conse￾quences of divorce, a small number of studies in￾dicate that divorce also has positive consequences for many individuals. If more studies explicitly searched for positive outcomes, then the number of studies documenting beneficial effects of di￾vorce would almost certainly be larger. Causation or Selection? Studies in the 1990s indicate that divorce is as￾sociated with a variety of problematic outcomes

The Consequences of Divorce 1275 But does divorce lower people's well-being,or are following divorce.That is,long-standing differ- poorly functioning people especially likely to di- ences between those who divorce and those who vorce?Consistent with the divorce-stress-adjust- remain married might be amplified as divorce be- ment perspective,and contrary to the selection comes imminent.For example,a husband's ag- perspective,longitudinal studies show that people gression might contribute to the dissolution of the who make the transition from marriage to divorce relationship,but the dissolution of the relation- report an increase in symptoms of depression,an ship,in turn,might generate even more serious increase in alcohol use,and decreases in happi- levels of aggression.Second,some individuals ness,mastery,and self-acceptance (Aseltine might have long-standing problems that disrupt Kessler,1993;Hope,Rodgers,Power,1999; their marriages,whereas others might be relatively Marks Lambert,1998;Power,Rodgers, symptom-free until confronted with the stress of Hope,1999).Given that divorce is a process rath- marital dissolution.In other words,selection ex- er than a discrete event,declines in well-being are planations might apply to some groups of people likely to begin prior to the legal divorce.In fact, more than others. Kitson's (1992)respondents reported (retrospec- tively)that they had experienced the greatest level Divorce as Crisis or Chronic Strain? of stress prior to making the decision to divorce the second highest level of distress at the time of An unresolved issue in the literature of the 1990s the decision,and the least stress following the fi- is whether divorce represents a temporary crisis nal separation.Consistent with Kitson's data,lon- to which most individuals adapt or a source of gitudinal studies (Booth Amato.1991:Johnson chronic strains that persist indefinitely.Several Wu.1996:Mastekaasa.1994b.1997)show that studies found that unhappiness,distress,depres- reports of unhappiness and psychological distress sion,alcohol consumption,and health problems begin to rise a few years prior to marital separa- had largely subsided 2 or 3 years aftersepara- tion.Furthermore.Johnson and Wu (1996)used a tion-a result that supports the crisis model fixed-effects model to control for all time-invari- (Booth Amato,1991;Goldberg,Greenberger, ant individual variables,thus making it unlikely Hamill.O'Neil.1992:Kitson.1992:Lorenz et that selection could account for the increase in al..1997).In contrast,other studies failed to find distress. improvements in people's functioning during the Some longitudinal studies,however,suggest time since divorce.unless they remarried-a re- that selection effects operate alongside divorce ef- sult that supports the chronic strain model (Asel- fects.For example,Mastekaasa (1997)observed tine Kessler,1993:DeGarmo Kitson.1996: personal problems(such as greater alcohol con- Gray Silver,1990;Johnson Wu,1996;Mas- sumption among wives)as early as 4 years prior tekaasa,1995;Neff Schluter,1993;Wang to divorce.Hope,Rodgers,and Power (1999) Amato,in press).Furthermore,Umberson and found that depression at age 23 predicted becom- Williams (1993)found that parental strain among ing a single mother at age 33.Similarly,Davies divorced fathers increased,rather than decreased. and colleagues (1997)found that many divorced over time.Of course,both the crisis and the mothers had a history of depression that predated chronic strain models might contain some truth the marriage.These mothers also reported high Kitson(1992)found that although half of her re- levels of adversity in their families of origin,in- spondents improved over time,about one fourth cluding weak attachment to parents and parental got worse.These results suggest that a crisis mod- depression.Controlling for these family-of-origin el(implying gradual adjustment)might be appro- factors decreased the estimated effect of divorce priate for some individuals,and a chronic strain on adult depression(suggesting a selection effect), model (implying persistent long-term problems) although the association between divorce and de- might be appropriate for others. pression remained significant(suggesting divorce causation). In general,studies support the notion of di- Mediators of Divorce Effects vorce causation,but a degree of selection also Researchers attempting to identify the mediators might be operating.This combination can occur of divorce effects have adopted two strategies. in two ways.First,some individuals might be Some researchers have examined associations be- prone to psychological or interpersonal problems tween mediators and measures of well-being using prior to divorce but exhibit additional problems samples composed entirely of divorced individu-

The Consequences of Divorce 1275 But does divorce lower people’s well-being, or are poorly functioning people especially likely to di￾vorce? Consistent with the divorce-stress-adjust￾ment perspective, and contrary to the selection perspective, longitudinal studies show that people who make the transition from marriage to divorce report an increase in symptoms of depression, an increase in alcohol use, and decreases in happi￾ness, mastery, and self-acceptance (Aseltine & Kessler, 1993; Hope, Rodgers, & Power, 1999; Marks & Lambert, 1998; Power, Rodgers, & Hope, 1999). Given that divorce is a process rath￾er than a discrete event, declines in well-being are likely to begin prior to the legal divorce. In fact, Kitson’s (1992) respondents reported (retrospec￾tively) that they had experienced the greatest level of stress prior to making the decision to divorce, the second highest level of distress at the time of the decision, and the least stress following the fi- nal separation. Consistent with Kitson’s data, lon￾gitudinal studies (Booth & Amato, 1991; Johnson & Wu, 1996; Mastekaasa, 1994b, 1997) show that reports of unhappiness and psychological distress begin to rise a few years prior to marital separa￾tion. Furthermore, Johnson and Wu (1996) used a fixed-effects model to control for all time-invari￾ant individual variables, thus making it unlikely that selection could account for the increase in distress. Some longitudinal studies, however, suggest that selection effects operate alongside divorce ef￾fects. For example, Mastekaasa (1997) observed personal problems (such as greater alcohol con￾sumption among wives) as early as 4 years prior to divorce. Hope, Rodgers, and Power (1999) found that depression at age 23 predicted becom￾ing a single mother at age 33. Similarly, Davies and colleagues (1997) found that many divorced mothers had a history of depression that predated the marriage. These mothers also reported high levels of adversity in their families of origin, in￾cluding weak attachment to parents and parental depression. Controlling for these family-of-origin factors decreased the estimated effect of divorce on adult depression (suggesting a selection effect), although the association between divorce and de￾pression remained significant (suggesting divorce causation). In general, studies support the notion of di￾vorce causation, but a degree of selection also might be operating. This combination can occur in two ways. First, some individuals might be prone to psychological or interpersonal problems prior to divorce but exhibit additional problems following divorce. That is, long-standing differ￾ences between those who divorce and those who remain married might be amplified as divorce be￾comes imminent. For example, a husband’s ag￾gression might contribute to the dissolution of the relationship, but the dissolution of the relation￾ship, in turn, might generate even more serious levels of aggression. Second, some individuals might have long-standing problems that disrupt their marriages, whereas others might be relatively symptom-free until confronted with the stress of marital dissolution. In other words, selection ex￾planations might apply to some groups of people more than others. Divorce as Crisis or Chronic Strain? An unresolved issue in the literature of the 1990s is whether divorce represents a temporary crisis to which most individuals adapt or a source of chronic strains that persist indefinitely. Several studies found that unhappiness, distress, depres￾sion, alcohol consumption, and health problems had largely subsided 2 or 3 years aftersepara￾tion—a result that supports the crisis model (Booth & Amato, 1991; Goldberg, Greenberger, Hamill, & O’Neil, 1992; Kitson, 1992; Lorenz et al., 1997). In contrast, other studies failed to find improvements in people’s functioning during the time since divorce, unless they remarried—a re￾sult that supports the chronic strain model (Asel￾tine & Kessler, 1993; DeGarmo & Kitson, 1996; Gray & Silver, 1990; Johnson & Wu, 1996; Mas￾tekaasa, 1995; Neff & Schluter, 1993; Wang & Amato, in press). Furthermore, Umberson and Williams (1993) found that parental strain among divorced fathers increased, rather than decreased, over time. Of course, both the crisis and the chronic strain models might contain some truth. Kitson (1992) found that although half of her re￾spondents improved over time, about one fourth got worse. These results suggest that a crisis mod￾el (implying gradual adjustment) might be appro￾priate for some individuals, and a chronic strain model (implying persistent long-term problems) might be appropriate for others. Mediators of Divorce Effects Researchers attempting to identify the mediators of divorce effects have adopted two strategies. Some researchers have examined associations be￾tween mediators and measures of well-being using samples composed entirely of divorced individu-

1276 Journal of Marriage and the Family als.Other researchers have tried to make the mean 1992;Lawson Thompson,1996;Thabes,1997). differences in well-being between divorced and Support from a new partner appears to be es- married individuals "disappear"by controlling pecially beneficial,because studies consistently for presumed mediators.Although within-group show that adjustment is higher among divorced studies are useful,between-group studies provide individuals who have formed a new romantic re- stronger evidence of mediation.Nevertheless.the lationship (Funder,Harrison,Weston,1993: various types of studies generally yield consistent Garvin et al..1993:Mastekaasa.1995:Thabes results. 1997;Wang Amato,in press)or have remarried With regard to parenting,adjustment among (Demo Acock.1996:Hemstrom.1996:Marks custodial mothers is negatively associated with Lambert,1998;Shapiro,1996;Wang Amato, difficulty in finding child care(Goldberg et al, in press).Remarriage also improves people's stan- 1992).children's misbehavior (Simons and As- dard of living(Kitson,1992:Teachman Paasch. sociates,1996).and the number of children in the 1994)and accumulation of wealth (Hao,1996). household (Garvin,Kalter,Hansell,1993;Kit- One particular resource-having a large net- son,1992).Correspondingly,loss of contact with work of friends and kin-is not always a blessing. children is associated with increased distress however.Miller and colleagues (1998)found that among noncustodial fathers (Lawson Thomp- having someone to confide in decreased distress. son.1996:Umberson Williams.1993).Other but receiving material assistance (such as money studies have shown that poor adjustment is asso- or housing)increased distress.Of course,people ciated with conflict between ex-spouses (Good- receiving material assistance might be most in man.1993:Masheter.1991).lack of emotional need and therefore most distressed.But support support from others (Marks,1996;O'Connor, also might come with costs,such as feelings of Hawkins,Dunn,Thorpe,Golding,1998;Ross, inadequacy or indebtedness on the part of the re- 1995),low income (Booth Amato,1991;Gar- ceiver.Kitson (1992)found that receiving help vin et al.,1993;Kitson,1992;Ross,1995;Sha- with services,finances,or information was asso- piro,1996;Simons Associates,1996;Thabes, ciated with lower distress;receiving these forms 1997),and the number and severity of stressful of assistance in conjunction with advice,however. life changes following divorce (DeGarmo Kit- was associated with higher distress.These find- son,1996;Kitson,1992;Lorenz et al.,1997;Mil- ings suggest that aid might be more (rather than ler,Smerglia,Gaudet,Kitson,1998:O'Connor less)stressful when it comes with strings attached. et al..1998:Simons Associates.1996).Al- Another protective factor involves the manner though some exceptions appear in the literature, in which people cognitively appraise the divorce. research in the 1990s generally demonstrated that Longitudinal studies by Booth and Amato (1991) difficulties associated with solo parenting,con- and by Simon and Marcussen (1999)found that tinuing discord with the former spouse,declines people who strongly believed that marriage is a in emotional support,economic hardship,and oth- lifelong commitment reported especially high lev- er stressful life events account for much of the els of distress following divorce.Adjustment gap in well-being between divorced and married among these individuals might have been difficult adults. because they were troubled by the moral contra- diction involved in seeing their own marriages Moderating Factors end.Similarly,DeGarmo and Kitson(1996)found that divorce adjustment was easier for women What factors make some individuals more vul- who were not heavily invested in their marital nerable than others to divorce-induced stress? identity.Other studies show that individuals who With regard to resources,several studies show that initiate divorce,compared with those who do not adjustment among divorced individuals is posi- want the marriage to end,tend to be better ad- tively associated with education(Booth Amato. justed in the postdivorce period (Kitson,1992; 1991:Demo Acock,1996b;Goldberg et al., Gray Silver,1990;Wang Amato,in press). 1992),employment(Bisagni Eckenrode,1995; Consistent with these findings,individuals who re- Booth Amato.1991:Demo Acock.1996b: port a large number of problems during the mar- Kitson,1992;Wang Amato,in press),and large riage tend to function relatively well in the post- networks of supportive kin and friends(Aseltine divorce period (Booth Amato,1991).Indeed, &Kessler,1993;Cotton,1999;DeGarmo For- for individuals who are very distressed during the gatch,1999;Garvin et al.,1993;Goldberg et al., marriage,divorce appears to decrease symptoms

1276 Journal of Marriage and the Family als. Other researchers have tried to make the mean differences in well-being between divorced and married individuals ‘‘disappear’’ by controlling for presumed mediators. Although within-group studies are useful, between-group studies provide stronger evidence of mediation. Nevertheless, the various types of studies generally yield consistent results. With regard to parenting, adjustment among custodial mothers is negatively associated with difficulty in finding child care (Goldberg et al., 1992), children’s misbehavior (Simons and As￾sociates, 1996), and the number of children in the household (Garvin, Kalter, & Hansell, 1993; Kit￾son, 1992). Correspondingly, loss of contact with children is associated with increased distress among noncustodial fathers (Lawson & Thomp￾son, 1996; Umberson & Williams, 1993). Other studies have shown that poor adjustment is asso￾ciated with conflict between ex-spouses (Good￾man, 1993; Masheter, 1991), lack of emotional support from others (Marks, 1996; O’Connor, Hawkins, Dunn, Thorpe, & Golding, 1998; Ross, 1995), low income (Booth & Amato, 1991; Gar￾vin et al., 1993; Kitson, 1992; Ross, 1995; Sha￾piro, 1996; Simons & Associates, 1996; Thabes, 1997), and the number and severity of stressful life changes following divorce (DeGarmo & Kit￾son, 1996; Kitson, 1992; Lorenz et al., 1997; Mil￾ler, Smerglia, Gaudet, & Kitson, 1998; O’Connor et al., 1998; Simons & Associates, 1996). Al￾though some exceptions appear in the literature, research in the 1990s generally demonstrated that difficulties associated with solo parenting, con￾tinuing discord with the former spouse, declines in emotional support, economic hardship, and oth￾er stressful life events account for much of the gap in well-being between divorced and married adults. Moderating Factors What factors make some individuals more vul￾nerable than others to divorce-induced stress? With regard to resources, several studies show that adjustment among divorced individuals is posi￾tively associated with education (Booth & Amato, 1991; Demo & Acock, 1996b; Goldberg et al., 1992), employment (Bisagni & Eckenrode, 1995; Booth & Amato, 1991; Demo & Acock, 1996b; Kitson, 1992; Wang & Amato, in press), and large networks of supportive kin and friends (Aseltine & Kessler, 1993; Cotton, 1999; DeGarmo & For￾gatch, 1999; Garvin et al., 1993; Goldberg et al., 1992; Lawson & Thompson, 1996; Thabes, 1997). Support from a new partner appears to be es￾pecially beneficial, because studies consistently show that adjustment is higher among divorced individuals who have formed a new romantic re￾lationship (Funder, Harrison, & Weston, 1993; Garvin et al., 1993; Mastekaasa, 1995; Thabes, 1997; Wang & Amato, in press) or have remarried (Demo & Acock, 1996; Hemstrom, 1996; Marks & Lambert, 1998; Shapiro, 1996; Wang & Amato, in press). Remarriage also improves people’s stan￾dard of living (Kitson, 1992; Teachman & Paasch, 1994) and accumulation of wealth (Hao, 1996). One particular resource—having a large net￾work of friends and kin—is not always a blessing, however. Miller and colleagues (1998) found that having someone to confide in decreased distress, but receiving material assistance (such as money or housing) increased distress. Of course, people receiving material assistance might be most in need and therefore most distressed. But support also might come with costs, such as feelings of inadequacy or indebtedness on the part of the re￾ceiver. Kitson (1992) found that receiving help with services, finances, or information was asso￾ciated with lower distress; receiving these forms of assistance in conjunction with advice, however, was associated with higher distress. These find￾ings suggest that aid might be more (rather than less) stressful when it comes with strings attached. Another protective factor involves the manner in which people cognitively appraise the divorce. Longitudinal studies by Booth and Amato (1991) and by Simon and Marcussen (1999) found that people who strongly believed that marriage is a lifelong commitment reported especially high lev￾els of distress following divorce. Adjustment among these individuals might have been difficult because they were troubled by the moral contra￾diction involved in seeing their own marriages end. Similarly, DeGarmo and Kitson (1996) found that divorce adjustment was easier for women who were not heavily invested in their marital identity. Other studies show that individuals who initiate divorce, compared with those who do not want the marriage to end, tend to be better ad￾justed in the postdivorce period (Kitson, 1992; Gray & Silver, 1990; Wang & Amato, in press). Consistent with these findings, individuals who re￾port a large number of problems during the mar￾riage tend to function relatively well in the post￾divorce period (Booth & Amato, 1991). Indeed, for individuals who are very distressed during the marriage, divorce appears to decrease symptoms

The Consequences of Divorce 1277 of depression (Aseltine Kessler.1993:Whea- sults similar to those of studies conducted in the ton,1990).As noted earlier,initiators of divorce 1980s in showing that divorced women,especially and their partners are often on different trajecto- if they have custody of children.continue to be ries of divorce adjustment.These results suggest economically disadvantaged vis-a-vis married therefore,that people who initiate divorce might women or divorced men. experience distress,but they do this mainly prior Relatively little is known about racial and eth- to,rather than following,marital dissolution nic differences in divorce adjustment.Kitson (1992)reported that Blacks adjusted to divorce Demographic Variables more readily than Whites.In contrast,Neff and Schluter (1993)found that the mean differences Are the consequences of divorce more debilitating in depression among divorced,separated,and for women or men?Some studies suggest that the married individuals were similar for Blacks.Mex- effects of marital disruption on psychological ican Americans,and Whites.Similar results for well-being are stronger for women than men happiness for Blacks and Whites were reported by (Aseltine Kessler.1993:Marks Lambert. Aldous and Ganey (1999).Wang and Amato (in 1998:Simon Marcussen.1999:Shapiro.1996) press)found no evidence that non-Whites adjusted In contrast,other studies show that marital disrup- to divorce more easily than Whites.And Lawson tion is more debilitating for the psychological and Thompson (1996)found that the problems re- well-being and health of men than women(Fun- ported by divorced Black fathers-financial strain. der et al.,1993;Hemstrom,1996;Masheter,1991; noncustodial parenting,and difficulty meeting Mastekaasa.1994a:Peters Liefbroer.1997: child-support payments-were similar to those re- Stack Eshleman,1998;Zick Smith,1991). ported by divorced White fathers (Umberson Yet other studies show no gender differences in Williams,1993).Available research,therefore, psychological well-being(Booth&Amato,1991: does not suggest strong racial differences in di- Mastekaasa,1995;Ross,1995;White,1992)or vorce adjustment in the United States. health and mortality (Lillard Waite,1995;Mur- Turning to cross-national data,Mastekaasa phy et al.,1997).These studies do not provide (1994a)found that divorced and separated indi- evidence that one gender is more vulnerable than viduals had lower levels of psychological well- the other,overall,following divorce. being than married individuals in 19 countries,in- The main exception to this conclusion involves cluding cultures as diverse as Japan,Mexico. economic well-being.Research is consistent in South Africa,Britain,Germany,France,and Italy showing that the economic consequences of di- Stack and Eshleman (1998)reported similar find- vorce are greater for women than for men(Bian- ings in a 17-nation study,and Amato (1994a)re- chi,Subaiya,Kahn,1999;Hao,1996;Kitson ported similar findings in India.Overall,available 1992:Marks,1996:Peterson.1996:Ross.1995 research suggests that divorce has the potential to Smock,1994).For example,Bianchi and col- create stress in the lives of individuals irrespective leagues found-using matched couples-that cus- of culture or nationality todial mothers experienced a 36%decline in stan- dard of living following separation,whereas noncustodial fathers experienced a 28%increase RESEARCH ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF DIVORCE FOR CHILDREN Overall,mothers'postseparation standard of liv- ing was only about one half that of fathers.Sim- ilarly,divorced women,compared with married Comparisons of Children from Divorced and Two-Parent Families women or divorced men,report more chronic fi- nancial difficulties,such as being unable to pay Early in the decade,Amato and Keith(1991)pub- bills or purchase necessary goods (Fisher et al. lished a meta-analysis of 92 studies that compared 1998;Ross,1995;Shapiro,1996;Simons As- the well-being of children whose parents had di- sociates,1996).These differences exist because vorced with that of children whose parents were- women,compared with men,have more inter- married to each other.Their meta-analysis showed rupted work histories prior to divorce,experience that children from divorced families scored sig- greater work-family conflict (due to their respon- nificantly lower on a variety of outcomes,includ- sibility for children),and are more likely to ex- ing academic achievement,conduct,psychologi- perience employment and wage discrimination.In cal adjustment,self-concept,and social general,studies conducted in the 1990s yield re- competence.The differences between groups of

The Consequences of Divorce 1277 of depression (Aseltine & Kessler, 1993; Whea￾ton, 1990). As noted earlier, initiators of divorce and their partners are often on different trajecto￾ries of divorce adjustment. These results suggest, therefore, that people who initiate divorce might experience distress, but they do this mainly prior to, rather than following, marital dissolution. Demographic Variables Are the consequences of divorce more debilitating for women or men? Some studies suggest that the effects of marital disruption on psychological well-being are stronger for women than men (Aseltine & Kessler, 1993; Marks & Lambert, 1998; Simon & Marcussen, 1999; Shapiro, 1996). In contrast, other studies show that marital disrup￾tion is more debilitating for the psychological well-being and health of men than women (Fun￾der et al., 1993; Hemstrom, 1996; Masheter, 1991; Mastekaasa, 1994a; Peters & Liefbroer, 1997; Stack & Eshleman, 1998; Zick & Smith, 1991). Yet other studies show no gender differences in psychological well-being (Booth & Amato, 1991; Mastekaasa, 1995; Ross, 1995; White, 1992) or health and mortality (Lillard & Waite, 1995; Mur￾phy et al., 1997). These studies do not provide evidence that one gender is more vulnerable than the other, overall, following divorce. The main exception to this conclusion involves economic well-being. Research is consistent in showing that the economic consequences of di￾vorce are greater for women than for men (Bian￾chi, Subaiya, & Kahn, 1999; Hao, 1996; Kitson, 1992; Marks, 1996; Peterson, 1996; Ross, 1995; Smock, 1994). For example, Bianchi and col￾leagues found—using matched couples—that cus￾todial mothers experienced a 36% decline in stan￾dard of living following separation, whereas noncustodial fathers experienced a 28% increase. Overall, mothers’ postseparation standard of liv￾ing was only about one half that of fathers. Sim￾ilarly, divorced women, compared with married women or divorced men, report more chronic fi- nancial difficulties, such as being unable to pay bills or purchase necessary goods (Fisher et al., 1998; Ross, 1995; Shapiro, 1996; Simons & As￾sociates, 1996). These differences exist because women, compared with men, have more inter￾rupted work histories prior to divorce, experience greater work–family conflict (due to their respon￾sibility for children), and are more likely to ex￾perience employment and wage discrimination. In general, studies conducted in the 1990s yield re￾sults similar to those of studies conducted in the 1980s in showing that divorced women, especially if they have custody of children, continue to be economically disadvantaged vis-a-vis married women or divorced men. Relatively little is known about racial and eth￾nic differences in divorce adjustment. Kitson (1992) reported that Blacks adjusted to divorce more readily than Whites. In contrast, Neff and Schluter (1993) found that the mean differences in depression among divorced, separated, and married individuals were similar for Blacks, Mex￾ican Americans, and Whites. Similar results for happiness for Blacks and Whites were reported by Aldous and Ganey (1999). Wang and Amato (in press) found no evidence that non-Whites adjusted to divorce more easily than Whites. And Lawson and Thompson (1996) found that the problems re￾ported by divorced Black fathers—financial strain, noncustodial parenting, and difficulty meeting child-support payments—were similar to those re￾ported by divorced White fathers (Umberson & Williams, 1993). Available research, therefore, does not suggest strong racial differences in di￾vorce adjustment in the United States. Turning to cross-national data, Mastekaasa (1994a) found that divorced and separated indi￾viduals had lower levels of psychological well￾being than married individuals in 19 countries, in￾cluding cultures as diverse as Japan, Mexico, South Africa, Britain, Germany, France, and Italy. Stack and Eshleman (1998) reported similar find￾ings in a 17-nation study, and Amato (1994a) re￾ported similar findings in India. Overall, available research suggests that divorce has the potential to create stress in the lives of individuals irrespective of culture or nationality. RESEARCH ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF DIVORCE FOR CHILDREN Comparisons of Children from Divorced and Two-Parent Families Early in the decade, Amato and Keith (1991) pub￾lished a meta-analysis of 92 studies that compared the well-being of children whose parents had di￾vorced with that of children whose parents were￾married to each other. Their meta-analysis showed that children from divorced families scored sig￾nificantly lower on a variety of outcomes, includ￾ing academic achievement, conduct, psychologi￾cal adjustment, self-concept, and social competence. The differences between groups of

1278 Journal of Marriage and the Family children (effect sizes)were small,however,rang- that divorce also has positive consequences for ing from .08 of a standard deviation for psycho- some children.For example,a qualitative study logical adjustment to .23 of a standard deviation by Arditti (1999)found that many offspring from for conduct.For some outcomes,studies conduct- divorced families,especially daughters,reported ed in the 1980s yielded smaller effect sizes than developing especially close relationships with earlier studies conducted in the 1960s and 1970s their custodial mothers-a finding that is consis- Amato and Keith (1991)speculated that the gap tent with some quantitative work (Amato in well-being between children with divorced and Booth,1997).In addition,Amato,Loomis,and nondivorced parents might have narrowed either Booth (1995).Amato and Booth(1997),Hanson because divorce became more socially accepted or (1999),and Jekielek (1998)found that offspring because parents were making greater efforts to re- were better off on a variety of outcomes if parents duce the potentially disruptive impact of divorce in high-conflict marriages divorced than if they on their children. remained married.When conflict between parents During the 1990s,the number of people is intense,chronic,and overt,divorce represents touched by divorce increased,school-based pro- an escape from an aversive home environment for grams for children of divorce became common, children.Only a minority of divorces,however and mediation and education courses for divorcing appear to be preceded by a high level of chronic parents became mandatory in many states(Emery, marital conflict (Amato Booth.1997).For this Kitzmann,Waldron,1999).Given these trends. reason,divorce probably helps fewer children one might expect studies conducted in the 1990s than it hurts to reveal a continued closing of the gap in well- being between children with divorced parents and CAUSATION OR SELECTION? children with married parents.An examination of studies conducted in the 1990s.however.does not The selection perspective holds that differences support this hypothesis. between children from divorced and nondivorced A large number of studies in the 1990s contin- families are due to factors other than marital dis- ued to find that children with divorced parents ruption,including parents'personality character- score lower than children with continuously mar- istics,inept parenting,predivorce marital discord, ried parents on measures of academic success or genetic influence.Consistent with a selection (Astone McLanahan.1991:Teachman.Paasch. perspective,Capaldi and Patterson (1991)found Carver.1996).conduct (Doherty Needle. that mothers'antisocial personalities accounted 1991;Simons and Associates,1996),psycholog- for the association between mothers'marital tran- ical adjustment(Forehand,Neighbors,Devine, sitions and boys'adjustment problems.In con- Armistead.1994:Kurdek.Fine.Sinclair.1994). trast.other studies found significant estimated ef- self-concept (Wenk,Hardesty,Morgan,Blair, fects of divorce even after controlling for aspects 1994).social competence (Beaty.1995:Brodzin- of parents'personalities,including depression sky,Hitt,&Smith,1993),and long-term health (Demo Acock.1996a)and antisocial personal- (Tucker et al.,1997).Furthermore,effect sizes in ity traits (Simons and Associates.1996) the 1990s appear comparable to those of earlier Longitudinal studies provide another type of decades.For example,across 32 studies of chil- evidence.Cherlin and colleagues (1991)found dren's conduct published in the 1990s,the mean that children from maritally disrupted families had effect size was-.19,which is not appreciably dif- more postdivorce behavior problems than children ferent from the mean value of -.18 for studies from nondisrupted families.These differences conducted in the 1980s,as reported in Amato and however,were apparent several years prior to di Keith(1991).Similarly,across 29 studies of psy- vorce,especially for boys.Amato and Booth chological adjustment published in the 1990s,the (1996)found that problems in parent-child rela- mean effect size was-.17,which is slightly larger tionships (including parents'reports that their than the mean value of-.10 for studies conducted children had given them more than the usual num- in the 1980s,also as reported in Amato and Keith. ber of problems)were present as early as 8 to 12 In general,the small but consistent gap in well- years before divorce.Aseltine (1996)and Heth- being between children from divorced and two- erington(1999)obtained comparable results with parent families observed in earlier decades per- regard to children's internalizing behavior,exter- sisted into the 1990s. nalizing behavior,social competence,and self-es- As with studies of adults.a few studies suggest teem,and Doherty and Needle (1991)found com-

1278 Journal of Marriage and the Family children (effect sizes) were small, however, rang￾ing from .08 of a standard deviation for psycho￾logical adjustment to .23 of a standard deviation for conduct. For some outcomes, studies conduct￾ed in the 1980s yielded smaller effect sizes than earlier studies conducted in the 1960s and 1970s. Amato and Keith (1991) speculated that the gap in well-being between children with divorced and nondivorced parents might have narrowed either because divorce became more socially accepted or because parents were making greater efforts to re￾duce the potentially disruptive impact of divorce on their children. During the 1990s, the number of people touched by divorce increased, school-based pro￾grams for children of divorce became common, and mediation and education courses for divorcing parents became mandatory in many states (Emery, Kitzmann, & Waldron, 1999). Given these trends, one might expect studies conducted in the 1990s to reveal a continued closing of the gap in well￾being between children with divorced parents and children with married parents. An examination of studies conducted in the 1990s, however, does not support this hypothesis. A large number of studies in the 1990s contin￾ued to find that children with divorced parents score lower than children with continuously mar￾ried parents on measures of academic success (Astone & McLanahan, 1991; Teachman, Paasch, & Carver, 1996), conduct (Doherty & Needle, 1991; Simons and Associates, 1996), psycholog￾ical adjustment (Forehand, Neighbors, Devine, & Armistead, 1994; Kurdek, Fine, & Sinclair, 1994), self-concept (Wenk, Hardesty, Morgan, & Blair, 1994), social competence (Beaty, 1995; Brodzin￾sky, Hitt, & Smith, 1993), and long-term health (Tucker et al., 1997). Furthermore, effect sizes in the 1990s appear comparable to those of earlier decades. For example, across 32 studies of chil￾dren’s conduct published in the 1990s, the mean effect size was 2.19, which is not appreciably dif￾ferent from the mean value of 2.18 for studies conducted in the 1980s, as reported in Amato and Keith (1991). Similarly, across 29 studies of psy￾chological adjustment published in the 1990s, the mean effect size was 2.17, which is slightly larger than the mean value of 2.10 for studies conducted in the 1980s, also as reported in Amato and Keith. In general, the small but consistent gap in well￾being between children from divorced and two￾parent families observed in earlier decades per￾sisted into the 1990s. As with studies of adults, a few studies suggest that divorce also has positive consequences for some children. For example, a qualitative study by Arditti (1999) found that many offspring from divorced families, especially daughters, reported developing especially close relationships with their custodial mothers—a finding that is consis￾tent with some quantitative work (Amato & Booth, 1997). In addition, Amato, Loomis, and Booth (1995), Amato and Booth (1997), Hanson (1999), and Jekielek (1998) found that offspring were better off on a variety of outcomes if parents in high-conflict marriages divorced than if they remained married. When conflict between parents is intense, chronic, and overt, divorce represents an escape from an aversive home environment for children. Only a minority of divorces, however, appear to be preceded by a high level of chronic marital conflict (Amato & Booth, 1997). For this reason, divorce probably helps fewer children than it hurts. CAUSATION OR SELECTION? The selection perspective holds that differences between children from divorced and nondivorced families are due to factors other than marital dis￾ruption, including parents’ personality character￾istics, inept parenting, predivorce marital discord, or genetic influence. Consistent with a selection perspective, Capaldi and Patterson (1991) found that mothers’ antisocial personalities accounted for the association between mothers’ marital tran￾sitions and boys’ adjustment problems. In con￾trast, other studies found significant estimated ef￾fects of divorce even after controlling for aspects of parents’ personalities, including depression (Demo & Acock, 1996a) and antisocial personal￾ity traits (Simons and Associates, 1996). Longitudinal studies provide another type of evidence. Cherlin and colleagues (1991) found that children from maritally disrupted families had more postdivorce behavior problems than children from nondisrupted families. These differences, however, were apparent several years prior to di￾vorce, especially for boys. Amato and Booth (1996) found that problems in parent–child rela￾tionships (including parents’ reports that their children had given them more than the usual num￾ber of problems) were present as early as 8 to 12 years before divorce. Aseltine (1996) and Heth￾erington (1999) obtained comparable results with regard to children’s internalizing behavior, exter￾nalizing behavior, social competence, and self-es￾teem, and Doherty and Needle (1991) found com-