1 Filial Daughters?Agency and Subjectivity of Rural Migrant Women in Shanghai Yang Shen Abstract In China,continuous rural-urban migration on a massive scale disrupts the traditional rural patriarchal society and makes the temporary non-patrilocal way of residence possible.This new residential pattern has brought profound changes to the lives of migrants.Based on participant observation and inter- viewing,this article intends to explore the exercise of agency and the repre- sentation of subjectivity of female migrant workers in intimate relations after migration.By emphasizing the intergenerational relationship and partner relationships of both unmarried and married women,I demonstrate a com- plicated picture regarding the changing status of rural migrant women and show how these women both conform and challenge the social norm of filial obligations,through which their agency is exerted and subjectivity is crafted. Keywords:agency;subjectivity;China;filial piety;rural migrant women; intimate relationship Over the last 30 years,China has undergone a profound economic transform- ation.By the end of 2014,China had 168.21 million migrant workers holding rural household registration (hukou )but doing non-farmwork outside their registered hometowns or home villages,accounting for 12.3 per cent of the entire population.2 The shift in geographical location causes profound changes to migrants'intergenerational and conjugal relationships.The post- migration pattern of residence can be viewed as temporarily non-patrilocal This refers to post-marital residence where a couple does not live close to the natal family of either the husband or the wife,as well as to the mode of residence taken up by adult children who separate from their parents before marrying Traditionally,children live with their parents until they are married (although some parents continue to live with one of their sons after his marriage). Migration disrupts the conventional patriarchal way of living for both married and unmarried migrants. School of International and Public Affairs.Shanghai Jiao Tong University.Email:shenyang0118@ gmail.com. 1 Hukou refers to the household registration system in China that categorizes citizens as either urban or rural. 2NBS2015. @The China Quarterly,.2016doi:10.1017/s0305741016000357 CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 IP address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 Filial Daughters? Agency and Subjectivity of Rural Migrant Women in Shanghai Yang Shen* Abstract In China, continuous rural–urban migration on a massive scale disrupts the traditional rural patriarchal society and makes the temporary non-patrilocal way of residence possible. This new residential pattern has brought profound changes to the lives of migrants. Based on participant observation and interviewing, this article intends to explore the exercise of agency and the representation of subjectivity of female migrant workers in intimate relations after migration. By emphasizing the intergenerational relationship and partner relationships of both unmarried and married women, I demonstrate a complicated picture regarding the changing status of rural migrant women and show how these women both conform and challenge the social norm of filial obligations, through which their agency is exerted and subjectivity is crafted. Keywords: agency; subjectivity; China; filial piety; rural migrant women; intimate relationship Over the last 30 years, China has undergone a profound economic transformation. By the end of 2014, China had 168.21 million migrant workers holding rural household registration (hukou 户口)1 but doing non-farmwork outside their registered hometowns or home villages, accounting for 12.3 per cent of the entire population.2 The shift in geographical location causes profound changes to migrants’ intergenerational and conjugal relationships. The postmigration pattern of residence can be viewed as temporarily non-patrilocal. This refers to post-marital residence where a couple does not live close to the natal family of either the husband or the wife, as well as to the mode of residence taken up by adult children who separate from their parents before marrying. Traditionally, children live with their parents until they are married (although some parents continue to live with one of their sons after his marriage). Migration disrupts the conventional patriarchal way of living for both married and unmarried migrants. * School of International and Public Affairs, Shanghai Jiao Tong University. Email: shenyang0118@ gmail.com. 1 Hukou refers to the household registration system in China that categorizes citizens as either urban or rural. 2 NBS 2015. 1 © The China Quarterly, 2016 doi:10.1017/S0305741016000357
2 The China Quarterly,pp.1-19 I use the word non-patrilocal rather than neolocal because the latter is not cap- able of capturing the specific form of migrants'post-marriage residence.After marrying,my female informants tried to establish nuclear families in new houses that were geographically close to the husband's natal family.However,the newly- weds rarely used the house,because they usually returned to resume their work in Shanghai soon after marriage.Neolocal residence refers to a mode of post-marital residence where a couple lives separately from either the husband's or the wife's natal family.It can include the conventional patrilineal residence mode whereby newlyweds live geographically close to the husband's natal family.By combining the terms temporary and non-patrilocal,I intend to highlight the fact that the mar- ried couples in this study migrate to a place that is close to neither natal family, although this migration may only be a temporary period in their lives. There has been a significant amount of quantitative literature addressing the issue of rural-urban migration in China.3 Although quantitative research paints a general picture of migrant workers,it is less able to address the complexity and the heterogeneity of migrant workers'experiences in urban China.There has been some qualitative research that has addressed rural migrant women's experi- ences including agency,resistance and the desires of factory women,4 domestic workerss and restaurant workers.6 Continuous migration on a large scale,rural women's increasing participation in the labour market in urban areas and the concomitant non-patrilocal mode of residence have all brought changes to migration.For example,when Tamara Jacka did her fieldwork in the late 1990s and early 2000s she found that migrant women exhibited both filiality and rebellion in daughter-parent relationships.7 Although my fieldwork,conducted in 2011-2014,found the same characteristics in female informants,the reasons acounting for their filial and rebellious behav- iour and partner-finding patterns can be different.Jacka found that migrant women continued to demonstrate filial behaviour after migration as a strategy to maintain their good reputation so that they were marriageable back in home villages.8 My informants,on the other hand,preferred to find their part- ners in urban areas,which was sometimes against their parents'wishes.In add- ition,Jacka found that some parents opposed their daughters'out-migration because it was not common at that time for single women to migrate on their own and it might damage their reputation,whereas I found that parents encour- aged daughters to migrate because it had beome the norm for young people in rural China regardless of their gender. 3 For quantitative research,to mention just a few,please see Cao 2010:Lu et al.2010:NBS 2015. 4 Chan,Anita 2002:Chan,Jenny,and Pun 2010:Chang 2008;Lee,Ching Kwan 1998:Pun 1999.2005. 2012. 5 Gaetano 2004:Jacka 2006:Yan.Hairong 2008. 6He2007.2008 7 Jacka 2006. 8Ibid,178-79. 9Ibid,172. CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 I use the word non-patrilocal rather than neolocal because the latter is not capable of capturing the specific form of migrants’ post-marriage residence. After marrying, my female informants tried to establish nuclear families in new houses that were geographically close to the husband’s natal family. However, the newlyweds rarely used the house, because they usually returned to resume their work in Shanghai soon after marriage. Neolocal residence refers to a mode of post-marital residence where a couple lives separately from either the husband’s or the wife’s natal family. It can include the conventional patrilineal residence mode whereby newlyweds live geographically close to the husband’s natal family. By combining the terms temporary and non-patrilocal, I intend to highlight the fact that the married couples in this study migrate to a place that is close to neither natal family, although this migration may only be a temporary period in their lives. There has been a significant amount of quantitative literature addressing the issue of rural–urban migration in China.3 Although quantitative research paints a general picture of migrant workers, it is less able to address the complexity and the heterogeneity of migrant workers’ experiences in urban China. There has been some qualitative research that has addressed rural migrant women’s experiences including agency, resistance and the desires of factory women,4 domestic workers5 and restaurant workers.6 Continuous migration on a large scale, rural women’s increasing participation in the labour market in urban areas and the concomitant non-patrilocal mode of residence have all brought changes to migration. For example, when Tamara Jacka did her fieldwork in the late 1990s and early 2000s she found that migrant women exhibited both filiality and rebellion in daughter–parent relationships.7 Although my fieldwork, conducted in 2011–2014, found the same characteristics in female informants, the reasons acounting for their filial and rebellious behaviour and partner-finding patterns can be different. Jacka found that migrant women continued to demonstrate filial behaviour after migration as a strategy to maintain their good reputation so that they were marriageable back in home villages.8 My informants, on the other hand, preferred to find their partners in urban areas, which was sometimes against their parents’ wishes. In addition, Jacka found that some parents opposed their daughters’ out-migration because it was not common at that time for single women to migrate on their own and it might damage their reputation,9 whereas I found that parents encouraged daughters to migrate because it had beome the norm for young people in rural China regardless of their gender. 3 For quantitative research, to mention just a few, please see Cao 2010; Lü et al. 2010; NBS 2015. 4 Chan, Anita 2002; Chan, Jenny, and Pun 2010; Chang 2008; Lee, Ching Kwan 1998; Pun 1999, 2005, 2012. 5 Gaetano 2004; Jacka 2006; Yan, Hairong 2008. 6 He 2007, 2008. 7 Jacka 2006. 8 Ibid., 178–79. 9 Ibid., 172. 2 The China Quarterly, pp. 1–19
Filial Daughters?3 It is necessary to have an updated investigation into how migration affects rural women's intergenerational and conjugal relationships and how they exert agency and express subjectivity in intimate relationships.Using individual exam- ples drawn from fieldwork,I examine these questions by focusing on rural migrant women,and in particular,two waitresses called Ru Nan and Yue,as they look for a partner,engage in a relationship,and settle into post-marriage life.10 In the next section,I briefly conceptualize agency and subjectivity and how filial piety plays a role in constructing subjectivity.I also consider the chan- ging status of rural women in post-Mao China.I then go on to describe my research methods.The empirical findings indicate how migration has empowered migrant women in some ways but has also introduced new problems.The pursuit of romantic love can conflict with filial obligations.The term filial daughter was defined and redefined throughout negotiations over choosing a partner and mar- ried life,illustrating how agency was exercised,how subjectivity was crafted,and how filial piety was practised. Conceptualizing Agency,Subjectivity and Filial Piety Several disciplines,such as philosophy and sociology,deal with the concept of agency from their own specific discipline-based perspectives.Indeed,agency is theory-laden and has a lengthy genealogy in other disciplines,the discussion of which are beyond the scope of this article.Rather,I conceptualize agency within the realm of feminist studies.Kalpana Wilson argues that agency had long been used to describe men but that the discourse of women's agency was not developed until the rise of the feminist movement.11 The concept was harnessed by feminist activists in order to promote women's self-esteem and to organize women to rediscover resistance and act for change against male dominance.12 With regard to definitions,Sherry Ortner has argued that""agency"is virtually synonymous with the forms of power people have at their disposal,their ability to act on their own behalf and influence other people and events and to maintain some kind of control in their own lives.13 Laura Ahearn has paid attention to how agency is socially and culturally mediated and how it functions as the cap- acity to act.14 It is rarely controversial to interpret agency as the capacity to act and bring about effects.Nevertheless,agency should not only be construed as the ability to act.Other embodiments of agency need to be addressed,including speech practices!5 and silence.16 It should be noted that I recognize that various forms of agency are innately rooted in every human being. 10 Apart from the given name of Ru Nan.all names are pseudonyms. 11 Wilson 2007. 12 Gardiner 1995;McNay 2000;Ahearn 2001. 13 Ortner2001,78. 14 Ahearn2001.112 15 Madhok 2013. 16 Demetriou 2001:Kandiyoti 1988:Parpart 2010. CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 It is necessary to have an updated investigation into how migration affects rural women’s intergenerational and conjugal relationships and how they exert agency and express subjectivity in intimate relationships. Using individual examples drawn from fieldwork, I examine these questions by focusing on rural migrant women, and in particular, two waitresses called Ru Nan and Yue, as they look for a partner, engage in a relationship, and settle into post-marriage life.10 In the next section, I briefly conceptualize agency and subjectivity and how filial piety plays a role in constructing subjectivity. I also consider the changing status of rural women in post-Mao China. I then go on to describe my research methods. The empirical findings indicate how migration has empowered migrant women in some ways but has also introduced new problems. The pursuit of romantic love can conflict with filial obligations. The term filial daughter was defined and redefined throughout negotiations over choosing a partner and married life, illustrating how agency was exercised, how subjectivity was crafted, and how filial piety was practised. Conceptualizing Agency, Subjectivity and Filial Piety Several disciplines, such as philosophy and sociology, deal with the concept of agency from their own specific discipline-based perspectives. Indeed, agency is theory-laden and has a lengthy genealogy in other disciplines, the discussion of which are beyond the scope of this article. Rather, I conceptualize agency within the realm of feminist studies. Kalpana Wilson argues that agency had long been used to describe men but that the discourse of women’s agency was not developed until the rise of the feminist movement.11 The concept was harnessed by feminist activists in order to promote women’s self-esteem and to organize women to rediscover resistance and act for change against male dominance.12 With regard to definitions, Sherry Ortner has argued that ‘“agency” is virtually synonymous with the forms of power people have at their disposal, their ability to act on their own behalf and influence other people and events and to maintain some kind of control in their own lives.13 Laura Ahearn has paid attention to how agency is socially and culturally mediated and how it functions as the capacity to act.14 It is rarely controversial to interpret agency as the capacity to act and bring about effects. Nevertheless, agency should not only be construed as the ability to act. Other embodiments of agency need to be addressed, including speech practices15 and silence.16 It should be noted that I recognize that various forms of agency are innately rooted in every human being. 10 Apart from the given name of Ru Nan, all names are pseudonyms. 11 Wilson 2007. 12 Gardiner 1995; McNay 2000; Ahearn 2001. 13 Ortner 2001, 78. 14 Ahearn 2001, 112. 15 Madhok 2013. 16 Demetriou 2001; Kandiyoti 1988; Parpart 2010. Filial Daughters? 3
4 The China Quarterly,pp.1-19 Subjectivity,as some scholars have contended,"is a reality based in prac- tices."17 It is constructed through a person's location in a social field or set of social relationships.18 It"is the way in which individuals interpret and understand their circumstances and is bound up with the sense they have of themselves."19 Also,it implies a"subject as a productive and singular agent of change."20 Scholars often discuss agency and subjectivity together without considering the relationship between them.Agency and subjectivity impact each other.The abil- ity to act,to take some control over one's life (agency),affects how the subject perceives her/himself and the situation in which she/he is positioned(subjectivity); in turn,her/his perceptions of the environment and her/himself impact on the willingness and ability to act.I argue that both agency and subjectivity make sense of the interrelation of the external world and the internal self,and therefore both are considered meaningful ways of addressing social inequality.But,agency and subjectivity stress different aspects of making an action.Agency is more the exercise of power through practices,whereas subjectivity is considered the percep- tion of the self in relation to the world outside.My research suggests that by link- ing these concepts it is possible to gain a greater understanding of the way people act and perceive themselves. In my fieldwork,I found that filial piety/obligation plays a meaningful role in ingenerational relationships.It is important to interrogate how the concepts of agency and subjectivity interplay with filial piety to explain female rural migrant workers'practices in intimate relationships.The practices of filial piety include, but are not limited to,supporting parents materially and mentally,and remaining obedient towards parents even when they are wrong.21 I found Michel Foucault's articulation of subjectivity helpful to explain the interplay between subjectivity and filial piety.Subjectivity is formed under the influence of aesthetics and norms pre- vailing at a specific time.22 Furthermore,he argues that the recognition of people's moral duties is achieved through"self-forming activity."23 Inspired by Foucault,I recognize that subjectivity is fluid and relates to social norms in specific contexts.I adopt his theory to analyse my informants'ideas and practices and how practices shape and re-shape subjectivity.In the context of China,filial piety is a traditional ethical code that is still widely observed today,thanks to heavy promotion by the state.I consider that my informants'subjectivity was internalized through moral codes of familial obligations.Filial practices can be viewed as self-forming activ- ities,through the process of which a filial self is crafted. Although the values of being filial and obedient to parents were challenged during the Cultural Revolution,they have been revived in contemporary 17 Kelly2008.103. 18 McDowell2009.66-67. 19 Knights and McCabe 2000,423. 20 Evans2007,23. 21 Fei 1992:Liu,H.W.1959:Whyte 2004:Zhan and Montgomery 2003. 22 Foucault 2000. 23Ibid.265 CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 Subjectivity, as some scholars have contended, “is a reality based in practices.”17 It is constructed through a person’s location in a social field or set of social relationships.18 It “is the way in which individuals interpret and understand their circumstances and is bound up with the sense they have of themselves.”19 Also, it implies a “subject as a productive and singular agent of change.”20 Scholars often discuss agency and subjectivity together without considering the relationship between them. Agency and subjectivity impact each other. The ability to act, to take some control over one’s life (agency), affects how the subject perceives her/himself and the situation in which she/he is positioned (subjectivity); in turn, her/his perceptions of the environment and her/himself impact on the willingness and ability to act. I argue that both agency and subjectivity make sense of the interrelation of the external world and the internal self, and therefore both are considered meaningful ways of addressing social inequality. But, agency and subjectivity stress different aspects of making an action. Agency is more the exercise of power through practices, whereas subjectivity is considered the perception of the self in relation to the world outside. My research suggests that by linking these concepts it is possible to gain a greater understanding of the way people act and perceive themselves. In my fieldwork, I found that filial piety/obligation plays a meaningful role in ingenerational relationships. It is important to interrogate how the concepts of agency and subjectivity interplay with filial piety to explain female rural migrant workers’ practices in intimate relationships. The practices of filial piety include, but are not limited to, supporting parents materially and mentally, and remaining obedient towards parents even when they are wrong.21 I found Michel Foucault’s articulation of subjectivity helpful to explain the interplay between subjectivity and filial piety. Subjectivity is formed under the influence of aesthetics and norms prevailing at a specific time.22 Furthermore, he argues that the recognition of people’s moral duties is achieved through “self-forming activity.”23 Inspired by Foucault, I recognize that subjectivity is fluid and relates to social norms in specific contexts. I adopt his theory to analyse my informants’ ideas and practices and how practices shape and re-shape subjectivity. In the context of China, filial piety is a traditional ethical code that is still widely observed today, thanks to heavy promotion by the state. I consider that my informants’ subjectivity was internalized through moral codes of familial obligations. Filial practices can be viewed as self-forming activities, through the process of which a filial self is crafted. Although the values of being filial and obedient to parents were challenged during the Cultural Revolution, they have been revived in contemporary 17 Kelly 2008, 103. 18 McDowell 2009, 66–67. 19 Knights and McCabe 2000, 423. 20 Evans 2007, 23. 21 Fei 1992; Liu, H.W. 1959; Whyte 2004; Zhan and Montgomery 2003. 22 Foucault 2000. 23 Ibid., 265 4 The China Quarterly, pp. 1–19
Filial Daughters?5 China.24 The government has been making efforts to emphasize the value of filial piety and to encourage children to take care of their elderly in order to compen- sate for the deficiencies in the current social welfare system.25 In this context,fil- ial piety is internalized as crucial to people's subject formation.Interestingly,the migrant workers did not passively accept this moral code;they redefined it by their actions.For example,Yue's case demonstrates that the notion of a filial daughter can be redefined as providing financial support to the parents,regard- less of the fact that she resisted her parents'attempts to influence her choice of partner. The Changing Status of Migrant Women Women are not a homogeneous group.Instead of reviewing women's status in general,this section primarily focuses on the changing status of rural women. It is undeniable that rural women are empowered in various ways after migration. The nationwide reports on "Chinese women's social status,"published decen- nially from 1990 by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS)and All-China Women's Federation (ACWF),provide evidence that migration positively impacts women's ability to make decisions on personal issues such as finding a partner and family issues.26 In addition,the decreasing suicide rate among rural women offers a further indicator of their empowerment.Some authors have highlighted the disproportionately high suicide rate among women with a rural hukou in the 1980s and 1990s,27 but the most recent findings show that the situation is changing.The latest figures show that the suicide rate for women was significantly higher than that for men from 1987 to 1997,but declined in the 2000s.28 Some scholars have argued that the lowering female sui- cide rate can be explained by migration.Through migration,rural women are able to cast off their subordinate status in the household and leave behind family disputes.Furthermore,pesticides (previously the dominant suicide method)are less available to them after migration. Although there are promising findings of migrant women's empowerment, migration can also have an undesirable impact on rural women.Migrant workers are lower paid,enjoy fewer social benefits,and have poorer living conditions than the local average,and they have to endure long working hours and discrimination from urbanites.According to the NBS and ACWF 2011 report,the main pro- blems encountered by female migrant workers included "being looked down upon"and "salary default or deduction,"which suggests that some basic demands such as being respected and the timely payment of wages remained 24 Feuchtwang 2010:Whyte 2004:Xu and Ji 1999. 25 Chen 1996:Harrell and Santos forthcoming:Wang.Danyu 2004 26 NBS and ACWF 2001,2011. 27 Jacka 2006:Lee,Sing.and Kleinman 2003:Murphy 2004. 28 Liu.Yuting.et al.2010:Wang.Chong Wen,Chan and Yip 2014:Zhong and Gui 2011. 29 Jing,Wu and Zhang 2010. C JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 China.24 The government has been making efforts to emphasize the value of filial piety and to encourage children to take care of their elderly in order to compensate for the deficiencies in the current social welfare system.25 In this context, filial piety is internalized as crucial to people’s subject formation. Interestingly, the migrant workers did not passively accept this moral code; they redefined it by their actions. For example, Yue’s case demonstrates that the notion of a filial daughter can be redefined as providing financial support to the parents, regardless of the fact that she resisted her parents’ attempts to influence her choice of partner. The Changing Status of Migrant Women Women are not a homogeneous group. Instead of reviewing women’s status in general, this section primarily focuses on the changing status of rural women. It is undeniable that rural women are empowered in various ways after migration. The nationwide reports on “Chinese women’s social status,” published decennially from 1990 by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and All-China Women’s Federation (ACWF), provide evidence that migration positively impacts women’s ability to make decisions on personal issues such as finding a partner and family issues.26 In addition, the decreasing suicide rate among rural women offers a further indicator of their empowerment. Some authors have highlighted the disproportionately high suicide rate among women with a rural hukou in the 1980s and 1990s,27 but the most recent findings show that the situation is changing. The latest figures show that the suicide rate for women was significantly higher than that for men from 1987 to 1997, but declined in the 2000s.28 Some scholars have argued that the lowering female suicide rate can be explained by migration. Through migration, rural women are able to cast off their subordinate status in the household and leave behind family disputes. Furthermore, pesticides (previously the dominant suicide method) are less available to them after migration.29 Although there are promising findings of migrant women’s empowerment, migration can also have an undesirable impact on rural women. Migrant workers are lower paid, enjoy fewer social benefits, and have poorer living conditions than the local average, and they have to endure long working hours and discrimination from urbanites. According to the NBS and ACWF 2011 report, the main problems encountered by female migrant workers included “being looked down upon” and “salary default or deduction,” which suggests that some basic demands such as being respected and the timely payment of wages remained 24 Feuchtwang 2010; Whyte 2004; Xu and Ji 1999. 25 Chen 1996; Harrell and Santos forthcoming; Wang, Danyu 2004 26 NBS and ACWF 2001, 2011. 27 Jacka 2006; Lee, Sing, and Kleinman 2003; Murphy 2004. 28 Liu, Yuting, et al. 2010; Wang, Chong Wen, Chan and Yip 2014; Zhong and Gui 2011. 29 Jing, Wu and Zhang 2010. Filial Daughters? 5
6 The China Quarterly,pp.1-19 unmet.30 In addition,rural women were still disadvantaged not only relative to urban women but also to both rural and urban men.In terms of gender differ- ences,the urban and rural division was still substantial.A total of 54.3 per cent of urban women had received a high school education,compared to 19.2 per cent of rural women;additionally,rural women devoted much more time to housework than urban women did.Rural women's earnings equalled only 56 per cent of men's earnings in 2010.31 In his discussion of rural women's changing situation in contemporary China, Yunxiang Yan has emphasized the rising power of women and young couples over parental authority,a phenonmenon he describes as "the triumph of conju- gality over patriarchy."32 However,some scholars still consider it too premature to make this claim,because although in some ways transformation has taken place,in others,patriarchal norms and practices have prevailed.33 My observa- tions support this latter view.My female informants experienced changes in com- plex and contradictory ways,a finding which is substantiated by the empirical evidence discussed later in this article. Methodology My data comes from fieldwork which took place over the course of seven months during 2011 and 2014.In order to observe the life experiences of rural migrant workers,I primarily worked in the Meteor Restaurant (a pseudonym),a five-storey restaurant in Shanghai with 300 staff;96 per cent of the full-time workers in the restaurant were migrant workers from rural areas. I used participant observation to investigate the behaviour of service workers and their interactions in the workplace,the dormitories and leisure-activity venues.In addition,I conducted interviews to explore the migrant workers'well- being,migration experiences and intimate relationships.Data on intimate rela- tionships mostly originated from interviewing,because intimate relationships can hardly be observed in the field.I interviewed 49 informants,with an average age of 24,in the restaurant for an average time of 76.6 minutes per interview.Of the interviewees,21 were female.I guaranteed anonymity to my informants at the very beginning of the fieldwork and reiterated this guarantee at the beginning of each interview. From January to April 2012,I worked on a one-day-on and one-day-off basis. Most of the time,I worked as a waitress in the compartment area or the hall area. Occasionally,I worked as a pantry helper in order to observe and to find oppor- tunities to interview the pantry helpers.34 In July 2012,I revisited the restaurant 30 NBS and ACWF 2011. 31 The report did not suggest that rural women were compared to rural men or men in general. 32 Yan,Yunxiang 2003,14. 33 Brandtstadter and Santos 2009. 34 Pantry helpers are those who connect the back of house (kitchen)to the front of house (dining area). They deliver dishes from the kitchen to the dining area. CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 unmet.30 In addition, rural women were still disadvantaged not only relative to urban women but also to both rural and urban men. In terms of gender differences, the urban and rural division was still substantial. A total of 54.3 per cent of urban women had received a high school education, compared to 19.2 per cent of rural women; additionally, rural women devoted much more time to housework than urban women did. Rural women’s earnings equalled only 56 per cent of men’s earnings in 2010.31 In his discussion of rural women’s changing situation in contemporary China, Yunxiang Yan has emphasized the rising power of women and young couples over parental authority, a phenonmenon he describes as “the triumph of conjugality over patriarchy.”32 However, some scholars still consider it too premature to make this claim, because although in some ways transformation has taken place, in others, patriarchal norms and practices have prevailed.33 My observations support this latter view. My female informants experienced changes in complex and contradictory ways, a finding which is substantiated by the empirical evidence discussed later in this article. Methodology My data comes from fieldwork which took place over the course of seven months during 2011 and 2014. In order to observe the life experiences of rural migrant workers, I primarily worked in the Meteor Restaurant (a pseudonym), a five-storey restaurant in Shanghai with 300 staff; 96 per cent of the full-time workers in the restaurant were migrant workers from rural areas. I used participant observation to investigate the behaviour of service workers and their interactions in the workplace, the dormitories and leisure-activity venues. In addition, I conducted interviews to explore the migrant workers’ wellbeing, migration experiences and intimate relationships. Data on intimate relationships mostly originated from interviewing, because intimate relationships can hardly be observed in the field. I interviewed 49 informants, with an average age of 24, in the restaurant for an average time of 76.6 minutes per interview. Of the interviewees, 21 were female. I guaranteed anonymity to my informants at the very beginning of the fieldwork and reiterated this guarantee at the beginning of each interview. From January to April 2012, I worked on a one-day-on and one-day-off basis. Most of the time, I worked as a waitress in the compartment area or the hall area. Occasionally, I worked as a pantry helper in order to observe and to find opportunities to interview the pantry helpers.34 In July 2012, I revisited the restaurant 30 NBS and ACWF 2011. 31 The report did not suggest that rural women were compared to rural men or men in general. 32 Yan, Yunxiang 2003, 14. 33 Brandtstädter and Santos 2009. 34 Pantry helpers are those who connect the back of house (kitchen) to the front of house (dining area). They deliver dishes from the kitchen to the dining area. 6 The China Quarterly, pp. 1–19
Filial Daughters?7 for three weeks.I worked as a waitress again in order to observe any changes in the restaurant and with the employees.In order to collect more materials and keep myself updated,I revisited the restaurant from December 2012 to January 2013,June to July 2013 and March to April 2014,during which periods I conducted some follow-up interviews and observations.From the very begin- ning of the fieldwork I repeatedly read the field notes,the interview summaries I wrote immediately after each interview,and also the full transcripts of certain interviews.Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data.Its techniques of repe- tition,similarities and differences are core to this method.35 The process of iden- tifying themes was based on the following principles:themes that I considered important to the migrants;recurring themes;themes of similarities and differ- ences within the group;themes that differed from the literature;and themes that linked to the research questions.Themes were identified based on intensive and repeated readings of the interview summaries and field notes.36 Emipiral Findings Choosing a partner and marriage negotiations are complicated and interactive processes.The variation of marital status contributes to the different experiences and self-understanding of migrant women.In this section,I first use Ru Nan's case study to explore how she embodied the idea of filial piety as a moral prin- ciple to regulate her behaviour.Exemplified by the case of Yue,I then consider the contradiction and conflict between being filial and pursuing romantic love.I also address how Yue's relationships with her parents-in-law and partner reflected her post-marriage status.The last part discusses the rising power of mar- ried migrant women and the perpetuation of conventional gender ideas and prac- tices.All three parts respond to the question of how women's agency was exerted and subjectivity was represented. Filial piety of unmarried women Several of my female informants recounted that they had experienced unfair treatment because of their parents'preference for sons,which corresponds with other research.Son preference is prevalent in many parts of China,especially in rural areas.37 Although they are treated unfairly,some women still feel obliged to fulfil their filial obligations by sending back remittances and attending arranged matches as required.Ru Nan was one such woman.She was born in 1993.When I met her,I quickly noticed that her first name,Ru Nan,has the same pronunciation as ru nan如男，which literally means“like a man'”in Chinese.It is very typical for a family to give this name to a first-born baby 35 Ryan and Bernard 2003,102. 36 A more detailed discussion of methodology can be seen in Shen 2015a.2015b. 37 Gao 1993;Qiao 2004:Yuan and Shi 2005. CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 IP address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 for three weeks. I worked as a waitress again in order to observe any changes in the restaurant and with the employees. In order to collect more materials and keep myself updated, I revisited the restaurant from December 2012 to January 2013, June to July 2013 and March to April 2014, during which periods I conducted some follow-up interviews and observations. From the very beginning of the fieldwork I repeatedly read the field notes, the interview summaries I wrote immediately after each interview, and also the full transcripts of certain interviews. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data. Its techniques of repetition, similarities and differences are core to this method.35 The process of identifying themes was based on the following principles: themes that I considered important to the migrants; recurring themes; themes of similarities and differences within the group; themes that differed from the literature; and themes that linked to the research questions. Themes were identified based on intensive and repeated readings of the interview summaries and field notes.36 Emipiral Findings Choosing a partner and marriage negotiations are complicated and interactive processes. The variation of marital status contributes to the different experiences and self-understanding of migrant women. In this section, I first use Ru Nan’s case study to explore how she embodied the idea of filial piety as a moral principle to regulate her behaviour. Exemplified by the case of Yue, I then consider the contradiction and conflict between being filial and pursuing romantic love. I also address how Yue’s relationships with her parents-in-law and partner reflected her post-marriage status. The last part discusses the rising power of married migrant women and the perpetuation of conventional gender ideas and practices. All three parts respond to the question of how women’s agency was exerted and subjectivity was represented. Filial piety of unmarried women Several of my female informants recounted that they had experienced unfair treatment because of their parents’ preference for sons, which corresponds with other research. Son preference is prevalent in many parts of China, especially in rural areas.37 Although they are treated unfairly, some women still feel obliged to fulfil their filial obligations by sending back remittances and attending arranged matches as required. Ru Nan was one such woman. She was born in 1993. When I met her, I quickly noticed that her first name, Ru Nan, has the same pronunciation as ru nan 如男, which literally means “like a man” in Chinese. It is very typical for a family to give this name to a first-born baby 35 Ryan and Bernard 2003, 102. 36 A more detailed discussion of methodology can be seen in Shen 2015a, 2015b. 37 Gao 1993; Qiao 2004; Yuan and Shi 2005. Filial Daughters? 7
8 The China Quarterly,pp.1-19 who happens to be female in the hope that the second child is a son.I asked her whether her parents favoured her brother.She answered,"of course."She said that her parents tended to give better food to her brother.However,she was reti- cent about disclosing more details about the son preference of her parents. When I first met her in 2012,Ru Nan had been working as a waitress for three years and had been turning over all her savings to her mother.Her mother used the savings to pay the tuition fees for her younger brother to attend high school and college.When asked why she did not continue with her studies,Ru Nan sim- ply said that it was because she was dumb (ben).She told me that she wanted to have her own savings but her brother was a freshman at college and required a large amount of money.She reiterated on several occasions that she wished to save some money for herself.Nevertheless,considering her brother's situation, she understood that it was not possible to do so.Both her wages and those of her mother were saved for her brother's tuition fees and living expenses in Shanghai.During my research,I have come across quite a few cases in which a woman migrates and earns money for her brother's medical fees,tuition fees or betrothal gifts,but have never found a case where the opposite is true.3s This echoes other findings:in the patriarchal family in China,a woman's money is more likely to be used to pay for her brother's tuition fees,housing and betrothal gifts in preparation for his marriage.39 By contrast,boys tend to use their money to build a house and save for their own betrothal gifts.A woman's patriarchal practices and filial obligations might persist after migra- tion.40 As a result,a female migrant's ability to control her own life may be jeopardized. I tried to console Ru Nan by saying that she could save money for herself once her brother had graduated.She replied:"I will be getting married at that time!" Female migrants still face pressure from their families to marry,and Ru Nan's parents had been arranging matches for her.She went back to her home village for an arranged match at the end of 2012.The man came from a well-off family in the local village.Because of her height and dark skin,Ru Nan's father asked her to put insoles into her shoes so she would look taller and advised her to whiten herself with make-up for this match.He thought Ru Nan would "lose face"if the man did not like her.In response to her father's advice,she piled up insoles in her shoes but did not whiten herself.It turned out that the man had a satisfactory level of interest in her but she had no feelings for him. Knowing that,her father took pity on her.Ru Nan exercised agency by refusing this man.By postponing marriage,Ru Nan would be able toto save money for herself once her brother had graduated. 38 "Betrothal gifts,"or "brideprice"(cai li or pin /i),as defined by Yunxiang Yan (1996.179)."commonly refers to the property transferred from the groom's family to the bride's family"and usually consists of money and goods. 39Fan2004:Tan2009. 40Jin2011:Tan2009. CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 who happens to be female in the hope that the second child is a son. I asked her whether her parents favoured her brother. She answered, “of course.” She said that her parents tended to give better food to her brother. However, she was reticent about disclosing more details about the son preference of her parents. When I first met her in 2012, Ru Nan had been working as a waitress for three years and had been turning over all her savings to her mother. Her mother used the savings to pay the tuition fees for her younger brother to attend high school and college. When asked why she did not continue with her studies, Ru Nan simply said that it was because she was dumb (ben 笨). She told me that she wanted to have her own savings but her brother was a freshman at college and required a large amount of money. She reiterated on several occasions that she wished to save some money for herself. Nevertheless, considering her brother’s situation, she understood that it was not possible to do so. Both her wages and those of her mother were saved for her brother’s tuition fees and living expenses in Shanghai. During my research, I have come across quite a few cases in which a woman migrates and earns money for her brother’s medical fees, tuition fees or betrothal gifts, but have never found a case where the opposite is true.38 This echoes other findings: in the patriarchal family in China, a woman’s money is more likely to be used to pay for her brother’s tuition fees, housing and betrothal gifts in preparation for his marriage.39 By contrast, boys tend to use their money to build a house and save for their own betrothal gifts. A woman’s patriarchal practices and filial obligations might persist after migration.40 As a result, a female migrant’s ability to control her own life may be jeopardized. I tried to console Ru Nan by saying that she could save money for herself once her brother had graduated. She replied: “I will be getting married at that time!” Female migrants still face pressure from their families to marry, and Ru Nan’s parents had been arranging matches for her. She went back to her home village for an arranged match at the end of 2012. The man came from a well-off family in the local village. Because of her height and dark skin, Ru Nan’s father asked her to put insoles into her shoes so she would look taller and advised her to whiten herself with make-up for this match. He thought Ru Nan would “lose face” if the man did not like her. In response to her father’s advice, she piled up insoles in her shoes but did not whiten herself. It turned out that the man had a satisfactory level of interest in her but she had no feelings for him. Knowing that, her father took pity on her. Ru Nan exercised agency by refusing this man. By postponing marriage, Ru Nan would be able to to save money for herself once her brother had graduated. 38 “Betrothal gifts,” or “brideprice” (cai li or pin li), as defined by Yunxiang Yan (1996, 179), “commonly refers to the property transferred from the groom’s family to the bride’s family” and usually consists of money and goods. 39 Fan 2004; Tan 2009. 40 Jin 2011; Tan 2009. 8 The China Quarterly, pp. 1–19
Filial Daughters?9 Ru Nan said that she had no plans for the future and that she did not know what the most important things in life were.It seemed that she was not living for herself.Her comments reflect how by being a responsible sister and a filial daughter,her personal ambitions and desires were subordinated to those of her family.Her relational role was defined as an older sister and a daughter in the family rather than as an individual.In regard to how migration affects rural women,some Chinese scholars have found that although patrilocal residence is declining through migration,at least temporarily,patriarchy is still being perpe- tuated,albeit in transformed ways.Male preference and the male line of succes- sion are still pervasive,and the denial of women'rights is not uncommon.41 The perpetuation of filial piety and Yue's rising power in conjugal relations The perpetuation of the filial piety of married women is exemplified by the experience of waitress Yue.Her case illuminates the constant negotiations with her parents,her rising power in conjugal relations and her consistent subjectivity as a filial daughter,even when undergoing the transition from an unmarried girl to a married mother.Exerting agency,she actively engaged in redefining the term "filial daughter."Her detailed accounts reveal the complexity of her subjectivity mediated through filial piety. Although the home villages of Yue and her boyfriend were located in the same province,it took four to five hours to travel by bus from Yue's home village to that of her boyfriend,which was the main reason her parents opposed their rela- tionship.It is a convention that rural people are expected to find a partner whose home village is close to their own.However,migration enlarges the pool of potential partners,meaning that choice is no longer constrained by birthplace, and adult children have more power over the choice of partner.42 Nevertheless, parents still prefer their children to find partners close to their home villages. Both my fieldwork findings and Gaeano's research have revealed that geograph- ical distance between a couple's home villages is one of the primary causes of par- ental opposition.43 This is mirrored by Yue's case.As she recounted: We [Yue and her boyfriend]were caught by my father on the street.My dad beat me and scolded me on the way back home...after going back,my dad said that he firmly disagreed with us being together,asked me to break up with him,and told me not to go to work tomor- row.I lied to him.I said I would quit on the 10th,the day I got paid.He said that was fine Actually I didn't wait until the 10th;I eloped with my boyfriend on the 8th. Although her parents strongly opposed the relationship,Yue resisted them by lying and then eloping with her partner.The process was by no means easy;it was full of struggle and conflict,not only with her natal family,but also with her partner: 41Jin2011:Ma2003. 42 Yan,Yunxiang 2003. 43 Gaetano 2008. CAMHHIDOE JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 Ru Nan said that she had no plans for the future and that she did not know what the most important things in life were. It seemed that she was not living for herself. Her comments reflect how by being a responsible sister and a filial daughter, her personal ambitions and desires were subordinated to those of her family. Her relational role was defined as an older sister and a daughter in the family rather than as an individual. In regard to how migration affects rural women, some Chinese scholars have found that although patrilocal residence is declining through migration, at least temporarily, patriarchy is still being perpetuated, albeit in transformed ways. Male preference and the male line of succession are still pervasive, and the denial of women’ rights is not uncommon.41 The perpetuation of filial piety and Yue’s rising power in conjugal relations The perpetuation of the filial piety of married women is exemplified by the experience of waitress Yue. Her case illuminates the constant negotiations with her parents, her rising power in conjugal relations and her consistent subjectivity as a filial daughter, even when undergoing the transition from an unmarried girl to a married mother. Exerting agency, she actively engaged in redefining the term “filial daughter.” Her detailed accounts reveal the complexity of her subjectivity mediated through filial piety. Although the home villages of Yue and her boyfriend were located in the same province, it took four to five hours to travel by bus from Yue’s home village to that of her boyfriend, which was the main reason her parents opposed their relationship. It is a convention that rural people are expected to find a partner whose home village is close to their own. However, migration enlarges the pool of potential partners, meaning that choice is no longer constrained by birthplace, and adult children have more power over the choice of partner.42 Nevertheless, parents still prefer their children to find partners close to their home villages. Both my fieldwork findings and Gaeano’s research have revealed that geographical distance between a couple’s home villages is one of the primary causes of parental opposition.43 This is mirrored by Yue’s case. As she recounted: We [Yue and her boyfriend] were caught by my father on the street. My dad beat me and scolded me on the way back home … after going back, my dad said that he firmly disagreed with us being together, asked me to break up with him, and told me not to go to work tomorrow. I lied to him. I said I would quit on the 10th, the day I got paid. He said that was fine. Actually I didn’t wait until the 10th; I eloped with my boyfriend on the 8th. Although her parents strongly opposed the relationship, Yue resisted them by lying and then eloping with her partner. The process was by no means easy; it was full of struggle and conflict, not only with her natal family, but also with her partner: 41 Jin 2011; Ma 2003. 42 Yan, Yunxiang 2003. 43 Gaetano 2008. Filial Daughters? 9
10 The China Quarterly,pp.1-19 We moved to Jing'an district.For the first two days we stayed in his friend's flat,then we rented a flat on our own.He found a new job,and I found a job as well,so we started work... The first day,I switched off my mobile phone,but I was worried about my parents so I gave them a call.I said:"I won't be back until you agree."My dad was angry and started to scold me.So I ended the call.I was frightened and began to cry.Later on,I called back from time to time.Each time my dad asked me where I was living.He said he agreed to us being together and wanted to come and visit us.But I didn't dare tell him where I was.My boyfriend quarrelled with me every day.He tried to stop me calling home for fear that my parents would find us.I always cried and said that I missed my family,so I kept calling them. Elopement can be viewed as resistance but also as a strategy to obtain parental consent.Yue faced pressure from both her family and her boyfriend during the period of elopement.She was scared but resolved to stay with her boyfriend and made persistent efforts to obtain consent from her parents,which reflects her subjectivity as a filial daughter.Her filial piety can be seen in her consistent financial support of her parents and her elder brother.As she recounted: At that time I earned 1,200 [yuan].I usually gave my parents 1,000 and kept 200 to spend...if it was not enough,my boyfriend paid the rest.Before elopement,I left behind all my wages and savings for my parents,I didn't keep a penny.Rent and everything else was paid for by my boy- friend.My family is not well off,and I have a younger brother.My elder brother had just got married,and my parents were still in debt.I have known how difficult it is for my parents to save money since I was a child.So,I gave all my money to them. Yue behaved with filial piety in economic issues but not in terms of personal rela- tionships.She performed filial obedience and supported the whole family.As pointed out earlier,daughters are more likely to share the family burden,includ- ing brothers'tuition fees and brideprice.Similar to the situation of waitress Ru Nan,migration did not improve Yue's financial status because she did not have savings of her own. Pregnancy can be used not only to obtain permission from parents,as in Yue's case,but also as a tool in negotiating betrothal gifts between the two families. Yue treated pregnancy as a trigger to inform her parents in order to obtain their consent: After four months,I became pregnant,and I told my parents.My parents agreed to our marriage because I was pregnant,and asked his [her boyfriend's]parents to come to Shanghai to have a meeting.My brother said that he wanted to visit me,and I told him my address.After my broth- er's visit,my dad came the next day.We were still sleeping when my dad knocked on the door.I was scared.Oh my God!I didn't dare say much,although my dad had agreed over the phone to us being together.Later,my boyfriend's dad came to Shanghai.At first we required some money from his dad to have the wedding ceremony in his home village,but he said their family didn't have that much,and disapproved.My dad asked me to get an abortion if they didn't agree to the amount of money.I thought for a while.My dad's insistence was right,you see,I eloped with him,but his parents didn't agree to this amount of money.I was angry and called my boy- friend:"If your dad cannot give that much,I will get an abortion tomorrow."That night,he called me and asked me not to go to the hospital and said his dad would be coming to Shanghai soon Yue pursued romantic love against her parents'wishes.The pattern of"get preg- nant and then get married"was a recurring theme narrated by quite a few of my female informants.It may serve as a form of resistance under the guise of an CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 IP address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 We moved to Jing’an district 静安区. For the first two days we stayed in his friend’s flat, then we rented a flat on our own. He found a new job, and I found a job as well, so we started work … The first day, I switched off my mobile phone, but I was worried about my parents so I gave them a call. I said: “I won’t be back until you agree.” My dad was angry and started to scold me. So I ended the call. I was frightened and began to cry. Later on, I called back from time to time. Each time my dad asked me where I was living. He said he agreed to us being together and wanted to come and visit us. But I didn’t dare tell him where I was. My boyfriend quarrelled with me every day. He tried to stop me calling home for fear that my parents would find us. I always cried and said that I missed my family, so I kept calling them. Elopement can be viewed as resistance but also as a strategy to obtain parental consent. Yue faced pressure from both her family and her boyfriend during the period of elopement. She was scared but resolved to stay with her boyfriend and made persistent efforts to obtain consent from her parents, which reflects her subjectivity as a filial daughter. Her filial piety can be seen in her consistent financial support of her parents and her elder brother. As she recounted: At that time I earned 1,200 [yuan]. I usually gave my parents 1,000 and kept 200 to spend … if it was not enough, my boyfriend paid the rest. Before elopement, I left behind all my wages and savings for my parents, I didn’t keep a penny. Rent and everything else was paid for by my boyfriend. My family is not well off, and I have a younger brother. My elder brother had just got married, and my parents were still in debt. I have known how difficult it is for my parents to save money since I was a child. So, I gave all my money to them. Yue behaved with filial piety in economic issues but not in terms of personal relationships. She performed filial obedience and supported the whole family. As pointed out earlier, daughters are more likely to share the family burden, including brothers’ tuition fees and brideprice. Similar to the situation of waitress Ru Nan, migration did not improve Yue’s financial status because she did not have savings of her own. Pregnancy can be used not only to obtain permission from parents, as in Yue’s case, but also as a tool in negotiating betrothal gifts between the two families. Yue treated pregnancy as a trigger to inform her parents in order to obtain their consent: After four months, I became pregnant, and I told my parents. My parents agreed to our marriage because I was pregnant, and asked his [her boyfriend’s] parents to come to Shanghai to have a meeting. My brother said that he wanted to visit me, and I told him my address. After my brother’s visit, my dad came the next day. We were still sleeping when my dad knocked on the door. I was scared. Oh my God! I didn’t dare say much, although my dad had agreed over the phone to us being together. Later, my boyfriend’s dad came to Shanghai. At first we required some money from his dad to have the wedding ceremony in his home village, but he said their family didn’t have that much, and disapproved. My dad asked me to get an abortion if they didn’t agree to the amount of money. I thought for a while. My dad’s insistence was right, you see, I eloped with him, but his parents didn’t agree to this amount of money. I was angry and called my boyfriend: “If your dad cannot give that much, I will get an abortion tomorrow.” That night, he called me and asked me not to go to the hospital and said his dad would be coming to Shanghai soon. Yue pursued romantic love against her parents’ wishes. The pattern of “get pregnant and then get married” was a recurring theme narrated by quite a few of my female informants. It may serve as a form of resistance under the guise of an 10 The China Quarterly, pp. 1–19