《性别、亲密关系与社会》课程教学资源（单身Singlehood）Between Tradition and Modernity：“Leftover” Women in Shanghai

Journal of Marriage and Family ncfr YINGCHUN JI Shanghai University Between Tradition and Modernity:"Leftover" Women in Shanghai In recent years,single,educated women who have found themselves increasingly castigated are not yet married by their late 20s in China's as "leftover"women (sheng nii)if they are not major cities have been increasingly castigated yet married by their late 20s.Anxious parents as“leftover”women.After more than3 decades brave public embarrassment to gather in parks, of rapid socioeconomic development,marriage displaying photographs of their daughters and remains near universal and early in China.In the listing their economic prospects in the hope of meantime,there has been a resurgence of patri- finding them a husband.Popular discourse,how- archal traditions.Using semistructured inter- ever,frames these unmarried women as selfish. views,in this qualitative research the author picky,and only interested in men with financial sought to understand the motivations of these resources.The issue of "leftover"women war- women and their efforts to negotiate the con- rants headlines and feature stories in Chinese tradictions regarding marriage formation and newspapers,popular magazines,and TV real- career development.Six themes emerged from ity shows.International media such as the BBC the women's narratives:(a)parental pressure, News,The New York Times,The Economist,and (b)a gender double standard ofaging,(c)forced CNN have also covered the issue. socioeconomic hypergamy,(d)the importance Unfortunately,academics have yet to accord of compatible family backgrounds,(e)efforts the phenomenon much attention.Only a limited to balance women's independence with support amount of quantitative research has investigated for family and men,and (f)conflicting gen- the effect of education on Chinese women's der ideologies.The author contextualizes these marriage timing,with only one study directly themes by analyzing how women weave tradi- examining the so-called "leftover"women tional expectations with modern life in a tran- (Cai Tian,2013;Cai Wang,2011;Qian sitioning China,where tradition and modernity 2012;Tian,2013;Yu Xie,2013).Qualitative alternately clash and converge to constitute a research investigating the issue is similarly somewhat uneasy mosaic society. scarce (Fincher,2014;Gaetano,2010;To, 2013),but here too the few studies that exist are largely descriptive or have focused on mate Since the turn of the new millennium,sin- choice strategy or the empowerment of the gle,educated women in China's major cities single experience.Little is known about the dynamics underlying these women's marriage decisions.It is thus urgent to investigate and School of Sociology and Political Science,Shanghai conceptualize these educated women's con- University.Shanghai,China 200444 straints and struggles in regard to marriage (yingchun_ji@163.com). formation in the rapidly changing context of This article was edited by Kelly Raley. China,which is understood by many of its Key Words:China,education,"leftover"women,marriage. own citizens as transitioning from tradition to modernity,tradition. modernity. Journal of Marriage and Family 77 (October 2015):1057-1073 1057 D0L:10.1111jomf.12220

Yingchun Ji Shanghai University Between Tradition and Modernity: “Leftover” Women in Shanghai In recent years, single, educated women who are not yet married by their late 20s in China’s major cities have been increasingly castigated as “leftover” women. After more than 3 decades of rapid socioeconomic development, marriage remains near universal and early in China. In the meantime, there has been a resurgence of patri￾archal traditions. Using semistructured inter￾views, in this qualitative research the author sought to understand the motivations of these women and their efforts to negotiate the con￾tradictions regarding marriage formation and career development. Six themes emerged from the women’s narratives: (a) parental pressure, (b) a gender double standard of aging, (c) forced socioeconomic hypergamy, (d) the importance of compatible family backgrounds, (e) efforts to balance women’s independence with support for family and men, and (f) conflicting gen￾der ideologies. The author contextualizes these themes by analyzing how women weave tradi￾tional expectations with modern life in a tran￾sitioning China, where tradition and modernity alternately clash and converge to constitute a somewhat uneasy mosaic society. Since the turn of the new millennium, sin￾gle, educated women in China’s major cities School of Sociology and Political Science, Shanghai University, Shanghai, China 200444 (yingchun_ji@163.com). This article was edited by Kelly Raley. Key Words: China, education, “leftover” women, marriage, modernity, tradition. have found themselves increasingly castigated as “leftover” women (sheng nü) if they are not yet married by their late 20s. Anxious parents brave public embarrassment to gather in parks, displaying photographs of their daughters and listing their economic prospects in the hope of finding them a husband. Popular discourse, how￾ever, frames these unmarried women as selfish, picky, and only interested in men with financial resources. The issue of “leftover” women war￾rants headlines and feature stories in Chinese newspapers, popular magazines, and TV real￾ity shows. International media such as the BBC News, The New York Times, The Economist, and CNN have also covered the issue. Unfortunately, academics have yet to accord the phenomenon much attention. Only a limited amount of quantitative research has investigated the effect of education on Chinese women’s marriage timing, with only one study directly examining the so-called “leftover” women (Cai & Tian, 2013; Cai & Wang, 2011; Qian 2012; Tian, 2013; Yu & Xie, 2013). Qualitative research investigating the issue is similarly scarce (Fincher, 2014; Gaetano, 2010; To, 2013), but here too the few studies that exist are largely descriptive or have focused on mate choice strategy or the empowerment of the single experience. Little is known about the dynamics underlying these women’s marriage decisions. It is thus urgent to investigate and conceptualize these educated women’s con￾straints and struggles in regard to marriage formation in the rapidly changing context of China, which is understood by many of its own citizens as transitioning from tradition to modernity. Journal of Marriage and Family 77 (October 2015): 1057–1073 1057 DOI:10.1111/jomf.12220

1058 Journal of Marriage and Family Research indicates that marriage is still early and gender relations shape these professional and nearly universal in China,in spite of three women's efforts to negotiate patriarchal tradi- decades of rapid industrialization,urbanization, tions separating the public and private spheres. and expansion of mass education after the eco- In this study I used data from semistruc- nomic reform initiated in the 1980s (Ji Yeung, tured interviews conducted with 30 educated, 2014;Jones Gubhaju,2009;Yeung Hu, unmarried women in Shanghai in 2013.The 2013).What is interesting is that the pace of interviews place at the foreground women's educated Chinese women delaying or for- narratives regarding their struggles between going marriage is actually much slower/lower modern and traditional expectations in regard compared to equally educated Chinese men to marriage formation and career development. and equally educated women in other Asian The overarching framework emphasizing the societies.At the same time,alongside rapid coexistence of modernity and tradition emerged economic reformation and modernization, from the women's own stories,as did the fol- China has witnessed a resurgence of patriarchal lowing six themes:(a)parental pressure,(b) Confucian tradition in recent years (Fincher, gender double standards of aging,(c)forced 2014;Ji Yeung,2014;Sun Chen,2014). socioeconomic hypergamy,(d)the importance According to this tradition,women are valued of compatible family background,(e)efforts to in terms of their roles as wives and mothers, balance women's independence with support for regardless of the impressive progress made family and men,and (f)the conflict of gender in terms of gender equality in China,with ideologies.The women talked about how they women participating in the labor force en masse confront tradition,challenge gendered double since even the pre-reformation Maoist period standards,develop new meanings out of tra- and receiving more and more education in the dition.attempt to confine patriarchal tradition post-reformation period.The return of patri- to the private family,and criticize traditional archal tradition seems to be at least partially gender norms of male dominance. accountable for the now-stalled,if not declining, In the following sections.I first review the his- status of gender equality in China(P.N.Cohen torical background necessary to understand the Wang,2008;Davis Harrell,1993;Fincher, marriage-versus-career struggles of single,edu- 2014;Ji Yeung,2014;Sun Chen,2014; cated women in China.Second.I outline the the- Zuo Bian.2001). oretical framework I used to make sense of the In this research I investigated how China's coexistence of tradition and modernity in a tran- so-called "leftover"women draw on and inte- sitioning China.Third,I review my methodol- grate elements of both tradition and modernity ogy and introduce the sample.I then present and as they pursue their own ambitions and negotiate discuss the six themes that emerged regarding various constraints vis-a-vis marriage and their these women's constraints and struggles.Finally, careers.In doing so.this study challenges the I argue that despite the recent resurgence of linear narratives of progress and/or convergence patriarchal traditions in the family and discrimi- claimed by modernization theories.which would nation in the marriage market,China's so-called predict that,through economic modernization, "leftover"women are actually innovative actors, the "traditional"family mode in non-Western responding strategically and agentically to con- contexts will transition to the Western "modern" straints and cultural disapprobation to construct family mode.I use the terms tradition and their blend of the modern and traditional in their modernity here in a deliberate but qualified daily lives. way in order not only to critique the natural- ization of the concepts and their assumptions BACKGROUND but also to capture their resilient currency and meaning in people's everyday efforts to make Universal,Early Marriage in China sense of a society undergoing rapid change. Over the past several decades,many Western In this study I conceptualized contemporary as well as Asian societies have witnessed a China as an uneasy mosaic,with expectations notable decline in marriage formation accom- and elements deemed alternately modern and panied by impressive improvement in women's traditional commingling in educated women's educational achievement and mass labor market marriage motivations and behaviors.I also drew participation.Yet,despite experiencing similar on feminist insights to theorize how family social changes and rapid economic development

1058 Journal of Marriage and Family Research indicates that marriage is still early and nearly universal in China, in spite of three decades of rapid industrialization, urbanization, and expansion of mass education after the eco￾nomic reform initiated in the 1980s (Ji & Yeung, 2014; Jones & Gubhaju, 2009; Yeung & Hu, 2013). What is interesting is that the pace of educated Chinese women delaying or for￾going marriage is actually much slower/lower compared to equally educated Chinese men and equally educated women in other Asian societies. At the same time, alongside rapid economic reformation and modernization, China has witnessed a resurgence of patriarchal Confucian tradition in recent years (Fincher, 2014; Ji & Yeung, 2014; Sun & Chen, 2014). According to this tradition, women are valued in terms of their roles as wives and mothers, regardless of the impressive progress made in terms of gender equality in China, with women participating in the labor force en masse since even the pre-reformation Maoist period and receiving more and more education in the post-reformation period. The return of patri￾archal tradition seems to be at least partially accountable for the now-stalled, if not declining, status of gender equality in China (P. N. Cohen & Wang, 2008; Davis & Harrell, 1993; Fincher, 2014; Ji & Yeung, 2014; Sun & Chen, 2014; Zuo & Bian, 2001). In this research I investigated how China’s so-called “leftover” women draw on and inte￾grate elements of both tradition and modernity as they pursue their own ambitions and negotiate various constraints vis-à-vis marriage and their careers. In doing so, this study challenges the linear narratives of progress and/or convergence claimed by modernization theories, which would predict that, through economic modernization, the “traditional” family mode in non-Western contexts will transition to the Western “modern” family mode. I use the terms tradition and modernity here in a deliberate but qualified way in order not only to critique the natural￾ization of the concepts and their assumptions but also to capture their resilient currency and meaning in people’s everyday efforts to make sense of a society undergoing rapid change. In this study I conceptualized contemporary China as an uneasy mosaic, with expectations and elements deemed alternately modern and traditional commingling in educated women’s marriage motivations and behaviors. I also drew on feminist insights to theorize how family and gender relations shape these professional women’s efforts to negotiate patriarchal tradi￾tions separating the public and private spheres. In this study I used data from semistruc￾tured interviews conducted with 30 educated, unmarried women in Shanghai in 2013. The interviews place at the foreground women’s narratives regarding their struggles between modern and traditional expectations in regard to marriage formation and career development. The overarching framework emphasizing the coexistence of modernity and tradition emerged from the women’s own stories, as did the fol￾lowing six themes: (a) parental pressure, (b) gender double standards of aging, (c) forced socioeconomic hypergamy, (d) the importance of compatible family background, (e) efforts to balance women’s independence with support for family and men, and (f) the conflict of gender ideologies. The women talked about how they confront tradition, challenge gendered double standards, develop new meanings out of tra￾dition, attempt to confine patriarchal tradition to the private family, and criticize traditional gender norms of male dominance. In the following sections, I first review the his￾torical background necessary to understand the marriage-versus-career struggles of single, edu￾cated women in China. Second, I outline the the￾oretical framework I used to make sense of the coexistence of tradition and modernity in a tran￾sitioning China. Third, I review my methodol￾ogy and introduce the sample. I then present and discuss the six themes that emerged regarding these women’s constraints and struggles. Finally, I argue that despite the recent resurgence of patriarchal traditions in the family and discrimi￾nation in the marriage market, China’s so-called “leftover” women are actually innovative actors, responding strategically and agentically to con￾straints and cultural disapprobation to construct their blend of the modern and traditional in their daily lives. Background Universal, Early Marriage in China Over the past several decades, many Western as well as Asian societies have witnessed a notable decline in marriage formation accom￾panied by impressive improvement in women’s educational achievement and mass labor market participation. Yet, despite experiencing similar social changes and rapid economic development

Tradition and Modernity 1059 and urbanization,marriage remains nearly As England (2010,p.161)noted,women have universal and early in China to this day (Ji experienced tremendous upward mobility in Yeung,2014;Jones,2007;Jones Gubhaju, education and occupation in the public sphere; 2009;Yeung Hu,2013);indeed,Jones(2007) however.because of the "cultural and insti- remarked that this China"exception"challenges tutional devaluation"of women's work,men conventional marriage theory.On the basis of have not made parallel forays into increased 2000 and 2005 data,Jones and Gubhaju(2009) household work and female-dominated occu- showed that only 2%of women remain single pations.Traditional gender norms still regulate between ages 30 and 34 in China(compared gender relations and family life in the private to 10%for men)and that education contributes sphere.Thanks to this stalled and asymmet- only moderately to delayed marriage. rical gender revolution,the cultural norm of As the most populous country in the world, the male-breadwinner marriage is still widely China is not homogeneous in terms of economic accepted.In short,marriage remains a "gen- development and local traditions;likewise,mar- dered institution supported by cultural norms" riage patterns themselves vary by region.Ji and that enables men to adhere to a traditional Yeung (2014)reported that,in general,edu- gender role ideology despite women's growing cation delays marriage,urbanites marry later, preference for a more egalitarian relationship and individuals in the wealthy eastern region (Sayer,England,Allison,Kangas,2011,p. marry later than those in the remote and eco- 1985;Thornton Young-DeMarco,2001). nomically less developed central and westem The Chinese context is unique in that,prior regions.However,Ji and Yeung emphasized that to the late 1970s,the government disseminated marriage prevalence and timing are not linked a Marxist ideology that promoted egalitarian solely to educational level,urbanization,or eco- gender roles and modernized Chinese families nomic development in China.Local tradition within a Communist political economy (Davis is another important factor that contributes to Harrell,1993).In this Communist version of regional variations in marriage,which can be modernity,women's liberation is achieved pri- at odds with economic development levels.For marily through mass labor participation and,to example,Guangxi Zhuang ethnic autonomous a lesser degree,through mass education.As Mao district,a relatively poor province,has the lat- Zedong so famously put it,women can hold est average age at marriage entry for men.Ethnic up half of the sky.Unfortunately,the revolution traditions in the region that depart from the patri- stopped short of the private sphere of family, archal Han Confucian tradition might be part of and,in China,as in so many Western contexts, the reason.Furthermore,although college edu- traditional gender norms and a gendered divi- cation delays both men and women's marriage sion of labor remain largely unchanged(Parish timing,it is the least educated and most disad- Farrer,2000;Sun Chen,2014:Zuo,2003). vantaged men who face the greatest challenging It is interesting that,in the pre-reform socialist in finding a mate (Ji Yeung,2014).Ultimately, period,the work-unit system(Danwei)in which Ji and Yeung attributed China's "exception"to men and women conducted revolutionary pro- the resurgence of the patriarchal Confucian tra- duction provided comprehensive social services dition and the subsequent boosting of pro-family such as housing,dining,and child care (Stock- values,paired with institutional obstacles such man,1994).As a result,the incompleteness and as a weak social welfare system and the exclu- asymmetry of the gender revolution was perhaps sive legitimacy of childbirth within marriage. less noticeable among dual-income families in China,which have been the norm in both pre- The Uneven Gender Revolution and Marriage and post-reform times. In the three decades since the reformation, as a Traditional Institution however,as the government's focus has shifted Over the past 50 years,women have made to China's transition to Western capitalist remarkable progress in both public and private modernity and a market economy,the official realms.In recent decades.however,the gender propaganda of Marxist ideology,including its revolution has become increasingly uneven, egalitarian gender ideology,has lost momentum. even stalled,and is arguably moving in the In the meantime,traditional,patriarchal Confu- opposite direction for men and women in North cian norms have begun to reclaim ground(P.N. American/Western contexts (England,2010). Cohen Wang,2008;Davis Harrell,1993;

Tradition and Modernity 1059 and urbanization, marriage remains nearly universal and early in China to this day (Ji & Yeung, 2014; Jones, 2007; Jones & Gubhaju, 2009; Yeung & Hu, 2013); indeed, Jones (2007) remarked that this China “exception” challenges conventional marriage theory. On the basis of 2000 and 2005 data, Jones and Gubhaju (2009) showed that only 2% of women remain single between ages 30 and 34 in China (compared to 10% for men) and that education contributes only moderately to delayed marriage. As the most populous country in the world, China is not homogeneous in terms of economic development and local traditions; likewise, mar￾riage patterns themselves vary by region. Ji and Yeung (2014) reported that, in general, edu￾cation delays marriage, urbanites marry later, and individuals in the wealthy eastern region marry later than those in the remote and eco￾nomically less developed central and western regions. However, Ji and Yeung emphasized that marriage prevalence and timing are not linked solely to educational level, urbanization, or eco￾nomic development in China. Local tradition is another important factor that contributes to regional variations in marriage, which can be at odds with economic development levels. For example, Guangxi Zhuang ethnic autonomous district, a relatively poor province, has the lat￾est average age at marriage entry for men. Ethnic traditions in the region that depart from the patri￾archal Han Confucian tradition might be part of the reason. Furthermore, although college edu￾cation delays both men and women’s marriage timing, it is the least educated and most disad￾vantaged men who face the greatest challenging in finding a mate (Ji & Yeung, 2014). Ultimately, Ji and Yeung attributed China’s “exception” to the resurgence of the patriarchal Confucian tra￾dition and the subsequent boosting of pro-family values, paired with institutional obstacles such as a weak social welfare system and the exclu￾sive legitimacy of childbirth within marriage. The Uneven Gender Revolution and Marriage as a Traditional Institution Over the past 50 years, women have made remarkable progress in both public and private realms. In recent decades, however, the gender revolution has become increasingly uneven, even stalled, and is arguably moving in the opposite direction for men and women in North American/Western contexts (England, 2010). As England (2010, p. 161) noted, women have experienced tremendous upward mobility in education and occupation in the public sphere; however, because of the “cultural and insti￾tutional devaluation” of women’s work, men have not made parallel forays into increased household work and female-dominated occu￾pations. Traditional gender norms still regulate gender relations and family life in the private sphere. Thanks to this stalled and asymmet￾rical gender revolution, the cultural norm of the male-breadwinner marriage is still widely accepted. In short, marriage remains a “gen￾dered institution supported by cultural norms” that enables men to adhere to a traditional gender role ideology despite women’s growing preference for a more egalitarian relationship (Sayer, England, Allison, & Kangas, 2011, p. 1985; Thornton & Young-DeMarco, 2001). The Chinese context is unique in that, prior to the late 1970s, the government disseminated a Marxist ideology that promoted egalitarian gender roles and modernized Chinese families within a Communist political economy (Davis & Harrell, 1993). In this Communist version of modernity, women’s liberation is achieved pri￾marily through mass labor participation and, to a lesser degree, through mass education. As Mao Zedong so famously put it, women can hold up half of the sky. Unfortunately, the revolution stopped short of the private sphere of family, and, in China, as in so many Western contexts, traditional gender norms and a gendered divi￾sion of labor remain largely unchanged (Parish & Farrer, 2000; Sun & Chen, 2014; Zuo, 2003). It is interesting that, in the pre-reform socialist period, the work-unit system (Danwei) in which men and women conducted revolutionary pro￾duction provided comprehensive social services such as housing, dining, and child care (Stock￾man, 1994). As a result, the incompleteness and asymmetry of the gender revolution was perhaps less noticeable among dual-income families in China, which have been the norm in both pre￾and post-reform times. In the three decades since the reformation, however, as the government’s focus has shifted to China’s transition to Western capitalist modernity and a market economy, the official propaganda of Marxist ideology, including its egalitarian gender ideology, has lost momentum. In the meantime, traditional, patriarchal Confu￾cian norms have begun to reclaim ground (P. N. Cohen & Wang, 2008; Davis & Harrell, 1993;

1060 Journal of Marriage and Family Sun Chen,2014).Social services previously economy),patriarchal Confucian tradition provided by the Danwei system have since underwent a resurgence so that gender relations been privatized to the market.This increasingly today are increasingly regulated by traditional pushes women to carry on the"double burden" social norms.These changes are compounded of work and family (Sun Chen,2014,p.3). by the increasing reach of neoliberalism,which Sun and Chen (2014)examined more than 200 suggests individual solutions for institutional- articles from mainstream magazines in China ized and cultural gender issues,thus preserving between 1995 and 2012 and found that,partially patriarchal traditions.Chinese women's more because of the influence of neoliberalism,in egalitarian preferences in the interpersonal particular after China entered the World Trade realm,regarding such issues as marriage and Organization in 2001,the media now focus more family,now butt up against their male counter- and more on individualistic rather than struc- parts'preference for more traditional gender role tural problems and solutions in regard to gender ideology. issues.At the same time,numerous studies have In summary,there are four important reported increasing gender discrimination in elements of the Chinese context relevant to the Chinese labor market (Cao Hu,2007; marriage formation:(a)marriage is still univer- P.N.Cohen Wang,2008;X.Zhang,2002; sal and early,despite impressive socioeconomic Y.Zhang,Hannum,Wang,2008). development;(b)gender relations,particularly At the interpersonal level,Zuo and Bian in the private sphere,are increasingly regulated (2001)reported that in the post-reform 1990s, by traditional gender norms;(c)the resurgence couples in Beijing continued to endorse a gen- of Confucian tradition in the course of rapid dered labor division in the family,with husbands industrialization,marketization,urbanization, serving as breadwinners and wives serving as and globalization adds complexity to the inter- housekeepers.The fairness of their housework action between modernity and tradition:and division is thus evaluated through a gendered (d)in this dynamic cultural and institutional lens.There are even gender disparities when it context marriage remains shaped by patriarchal comes to who subscribes to a more egalitarian traditions despite the fact that dual-income fam- gender ideology.Pimentel's(2006)cohort anal- ilies have long been the norm in China.This is ysis of housework division in China reported the multilayered context in which I investigated that women seem to hold an egalitarian gen- single,educated women's motivations and strug- der ideology across cohorts,while men become gles related to marriage formation,traditional more reluctant to support it across cohorts.She expectations,and career development. suggested that this disjuncture between men and women's gender ideologies may affect their quality of marriage.It is also likely that this gen- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:THE der disparity may affect single men and women's MODERN-TRADITIONAL MOSAIC marriage motivations differently.Although rapid A Brief Constructive Critique of Modernization economic development,urbanization,industri- Theory alization,and globalization are underway in China,social norms regulating the private sphere Social changes and changes in family ideation of family and marriage seem to have moved and behaviors are a constant theme in sociology backward,if anything,retrenching the patriar- and family studies (Axinn Yabiku,2001; chal tradition in China. Cherlin,2004;Ghimire,Axinn,Yabiku, Thornton,2006;Jones,2007;Rindfuss,Guzzo, Summary Morgan,2003;Thornton Lin,1994).Mod- ernization theory is one important theory that As in Western contexts,the gender revolution connects social changes such as industrializa- in China has been asymmetrical insofar as it tion,urbanization.and mass education to family has been women and not men who have made transitions from traditional to modern(Goode, the most substantial changes.Distinct to the 1970;Inglehart Baker,2000;Thornton, Chinese context is the fact that,in the transi- 2013).As Harkness and Khaled(2014)summa- tion from a Communist vision of modernity rized,"modern"and "traditional"are described (a socialist planned economy)to the West- as dichotomous categories,with terms such ern (capitalist)vision of modernity (a market as individualism,rationality,independence

1060 Journal of Marriage and Family Sun & Chen, 2014). Social services previously provided by the Danwei system have since been privatized to the market. This increasingly pushes women to carry on the “double burden” of work and family (Sun & Chen, 2014, p. 3). Sun and Chen (2014) examined more than 200 articles from mainstream magazines in China between 1995 and 2012 and found that, partially because of the influence of neoliberalism, in particular after China entered the World Trade Organization in 2001, the media now focus more and more on individualistic rather than struc￾tural problems and solutions in regard to gender issues. At the same time, numerous studies have reported increasing gender discrimination in the Chinese labor market (Cao & Hu, 2007; P. N. Cohen & Wang, 2008; X. Zhang, 2002; Y. Zhang, Hannum, & Wang, 2008). At the interpersonal level, Zuo and Bian (2001) reported that in the post-reform 1990s, couples in Beijing continued to endorse a gen￾dered labor division in the family, with husbands serving as breadwinners and wives serving as housekeepers. The fairness of their housework division is thus evaluated through a gendered lens. There are even gender disparities when it comes to who subscribes to a more egalitarian gender ideology. Pimentel’s (2006) cohort anal￾ysis of housework division in China reported that women seem to hold an egalitarian gen￾der ideology across cohorts, while men become more reluctant to support it across cohorts. She suggested that this disjuncture between men and women’s gender ideologies may affect their quality of marriage. It is also likely that this gen￾der disparity may affect single men and women’s marriage motivations differently. Although rapid economic development, urbanization, industri￾alization, and globalization are underway in China, social norms regulating the private sphere of family and marriage seem to have moved backward, if anything, retrenching the patriar￾chal tradition in China. Summary As in Western contexts, the gender revolution in China has been asymmetrical insofar as it has been women and not men who have made the most substantial changes. Distinct to the Chinese context is the fact that, in the transi￾tion from a Communist vision of modernity (a socialist planned economy) to the West￾ern (capitalist) vision of modernity (a market economy), patriarchal Confucian tradition underwent a resurgence so that gender relations today are increasingly regulated by traditional social norms. These changes are compounded by the increasing reach of neoliberalism, which suggests individual solutions for institutional￾ized and cultural gender issues, thus preserving patriarchal traditions. Chinese women’s more egalitarian preferences in the interpersonal realm, regarding such issues as marriage and family, now butt up against their male counter￾parts’ preference for more traditional gender role ideology. In summary, there are four important elements of the Chinese context relevant to marriage formation: (a) marriage is still univer￾sal and early, despite impressive socioeconomic development; (b) gender relations, particularly in the private sphere, are increasingly regulated by traditional gender norms; (c) the resurgence of Confucian tradition in the course of rapid industrialization, marketization, urbanization, and globalization adds complexity to the inter￾action between modernity and tradition; and (d) in this dynamic cultural and institutional context marriage remains shaped by patriarchal traditions despite the fact that dual-income fam￾ilies have long been the norm in China. This is the multilayered context in which I investigated single, educated women’s motivations and strug￾gles related to marriage formation, traditional expectations, and career development. Theoretical Framework: The Modern–Traditional Mosaic A Brief Constructive Critique of Modernization Theory Social changes and changes in family ideation and behaviors are a constant theme in sociology and family studies (Axinn & Yabiku, 2001; Cherlin, 2004; Ghimire, Axinn, Yabiku, & Thornton, 2006; Jones, 2007; Rindfuss, Guzzo, & Morgan, 2003; Thornton & Lin, 1994). Mod￾ernization theory is one important theory that connects social changes such as industrializa￾tion, urbanization, and mass education to family transitions from traditional to modern (Goode, 1970; Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Thornton, 2013). As Harkness and Khaled (2014) summa￾rized, “modern” and “traditional” are described as dichotomous categories, with terms such as individualism, rationality, independence

Tradition and Modernity 1061 freedom,and equality falling into the former coexistence and mixing of the modern and category and terms such as authority,patriarchy, traditional in family attitudes and behaviors. familism.and dependence falling into the latter Thornton and Young-DeMarco (2001)found category.In regard to family ideation and behav- that over the past 40 years in the United States iors,arranged marriage,parental control,male there has been a continued trend toward indi- domination,and extended family structures are vidual freedom,gender equality,and tolerance regarded as traditional,whereas love marriage, of diverse family forms.However,marriage individual autonomy,women's independence remains a strongly gendered,traditional insti- and personal development.and nuclear family tution,in which many still believe in the structure are regarded as modern (Allendorf, male-breadwinner and female-homemaker 2013;Thornton,2013).Likewise,the family roles.As the authors suggested,even in the mode of organization in which economic pro- supposedly most modern society of the United duction,education,and health care all occur States,the majority of Americans continue within the family is regarded as traditional, to commit to or idealize these traditional whereas the outsourcing of activities to nonfam- institutions. ily institutions is regarded as modern(Thornton More evidence of intermixed family forms, Fricke,1987;Thornton Lin,1994). behaviors,and values is found in transitional As Thornton(2013)noted,.“modern'”and societies that blur the binary distinction between "traditional"societies are all too often perceived the traditional and the modern.O.Cohen and to be on opposite ends of a linear developmental Savaya's (2003)study of Palestinian divorce, spectrum.Underlying this seemingly progres- for example,described individuals selecting sive continuum are assumptions that assess different elements of modern and traditional non-Western societies according to the values values when making their decisions.Likewise, and criteria of Western societies and locate the in Nepal,Ji (2013)found that some women are former at some earlier,presumably more prim- forging a“third way”that mediates between itive stage,presumably waiting to catch up with student and family roles.In Western modern the latter.This perspective is similarly used to societies,individuals generally either skip explain family changes in non-Western societies. school to enter marriage early,or they postpone Although Thornton argued that the ideology marriage until school completion(Blossfeld of developmental idealism does affect family Huinink,1991;Thornton,Axinn,Teachman, changes in the world,he also emphasized the 1995),although others show this transition can clashes,resistances,modifications,and forms be highly“dense'”and more complicated than of adaptation that occur when the traditional previously understood (Furstenberg.Rumbaut. meets the modern.Inglehart and Baker's(2000) Settersten,2005;Rindfuss,1991).Ji argued study of 65 societies and 75%of the world's that living with an extended family that is will- population showed that cultural changes during ing to help with household chores and child care the process of modernization can and do take is a key contextual factor that can help women's nonlinear paths.As societies modernize,their efforts to combine the modern student role and values may well become more secular,rational, traditional mother and wife role. and tolerant,yet elements of their religious and Allendorf (2013)found that a hybrid of the cultural heritage may also remain remarkably traditional arranged marriage and the modern resilient and even resurgent.Therefore,contrary love marriage is now perceived as the ideal to the narrow,linear claims of modernization marriage in one Indian village,as individuals theory that traditional societies would eventually are increasingly influenced by modern ideations move toward or converge with modern societies, blended with local cultural norms.Finally, traditional and modern components may exist in their study of consanguineous marriage in simultaneously in the same society in the long Qatar,Harkness and Khaled (2014)found that run,constituting a mosaic context. individuals fuse modernity and convention by describing a traditional marriage form using the Family Research Blending Modern language of romantic love-a discursive strategy the authors dubbed modern traditionalism. and Traditional Elements In short,the modern-traditional mosaic Much empirical research in both Western manifests differently in different societies. and non-Western settings has reported the Accordingly,individuals embedded in this

Tradition and Modernity 1061 freedom, and equality falling into the former category and terms such as authority, patriarchy, familism, and dependence falling into the latter category. In regard to family ideation and behav￾iors, arranged marriage, parental control, male domination, and extended family structures are regarded as traditional, whereas love marriage, individual autonomy, women’s independence and personal development, and nuclear family structure are regarded as modern (Allendorf, 2013; Thornton, 2013). Likewise, the family mode of organization in which economic pro￾duction, education, and health care all occur within the family is regarded as traditional, whereas the outsourcing of activities to nonfam￾ily institutions is regarded as modern (Thornton & Fricke, 1987; Thornton & Lin, 1994). As Thornton (2013) noted, “modern” and “traditional” societies are all too often perceived to be on opposite ends of a linear developmental spectrum. Underlying this seemingly progres￾sive continuum are assumptions that assess non-Western societies according to the values and criteria of Western societies and locate the former at some earlier, presumably more prim￾itive stage, presumably waiting to catch up with the latter. This perspective is similarly used to explain family changes in non-Western societies. Although Thornton argued that the ideology of developmental idealism does affect family changes in the world, he also emphasized the clashes, resistances, modifications, and forms of adaptation that occur when the traditional meets the modern. Inglehart and Baker’s (2000) study of 65 societies and 75% of the world’s population showed that cultural changes during the process of modernization can and do take nonlinear paths. As societies modernize, their values may well become more secular, rational, and tolerant, yet elements of their religious and cultural heritage may also remain remarkably resilient and even resurgent. Therefore, contrary to the narrow, linear claims of modernization theory that traditional societies would eventually move toward or converge with modern societies, traditional and modern components may exist simultaneously in the same society in the long run, constituting a mosaic context. Family Research Blending Modern and Traditional Elements Much empirical research in both Western and non-Western settings has reported the coexistence and mixing of the modern and traditional in family attitudes and behaviors. Thornton and Young-DeMarco (2001) found that over the past 40 years in the United States there has been a continued trend toward indi￾vidual freedom, gender equality, and tolerance of diverse family forms. However, marriage remains a strongly gendered, traditional insti￾tution, in which many still believe in the male-breadwinner and female-homemaker roles. As the authors suggested, even in the supposedly most modern society of the United States, the majority of Americans continue to commit to or idealize these traditional institutions. More evidence of intermixed family forms, behaviors, and values is found in transitional societies that blur the binary distinction between the traditional and the modern. O. Cohen and Savaya’s (2003) study of Palestinian divorce, for example, described individuals selecting different elements of modern and traditional values when making their decisions. Likewise, in Nepal, Ji (2013) found that some women are forging a “third way” that mediates between student and family roles. In Western modern societies, individuals generally either skip school to enter marriage early, or they postpone marriage until school completion (Blossfeld & Huinink, 1991; Thornton, Axinn, & Teachman, 1995), although others show this transition can be highly “dense” and more complicated than previously understood (Furstenberg, Rumbaut, & Settersten, 2005; Rindfuss, 1991). Ji argued that living with an extended family that is will￾ing to help with household chores and child care is a key contextual factor that can help women’s efforts to combine the modern student role and traditional mother and wife role. Allendorf (2013) found that a hybrid of the traditional arranged marriage and the modern love marriage is now perceived as the ideal marriage in one Indian village, as individuals are increasingly influenced by modern ideations blended with local cultural norms. Finally, in their study of consanguineous marriage in Qatar, Harkness and Khaled (2014) found that individuals fuse modernity and convention by describing a traditional marriage form using the language of romantic love—a discursive strategy the authors dubbed modern traditionalism. In short, the modern–traditional mosaic manifests differently in different societies. Accordingly, individuals embedded in this

1062 Journal of Marriage and Family mixture context can embrace and integrate cohabitation of those realms by more progres- different elements of moderity and tradition to sive women and traditional men. strategically make decisions regarding family At a micro level,I also drew on femi- behavior.In so doing,they actively participate nist insights regarding individuals'efforts to in and reinvent the modern-traditional mosaic in challenge patriarchal tradition as well as the their daily lives.Researchers have found,instead family literature described above regarding the of individuals choosing to be only "modern" ways in which individuals select and combine or "traditional,"diverse strategies and patterns: modern and traditional ideas and practices. the hybrid arranged love marriage in India,the Work by Nazli Kibria(1990,1995a,1995b)on simultaneous student and mother who enjoys Vietnamese immigrant women in the United the support of her extended family in Nepal,and States and South Asian women in the urban romantic love in consanguineous marriages in context has revealed how women use their Qatar. socioeconomic resources to renegotiate gender For many non-Western societies,rapid indus- and family relationships within the patriarchal trialization has occurred only since World War system.This mosaic framework thus helped II;yet,their cultural heritage and indigenous me examine how women navigate a tradition family practices may have lasted for centuries and modernity“maze,”so to speak,and how or even longer.It should thus be no surprise to their decisions regarding marriage and career see the coexistence of traditional and modern both shape and are shaped by the pathways and elements with the onslaught of either modern- closed passages of that maze.Whether individ- ization (economic development)or Westerniza- uals select conflicting or harmonious elements tion (e.g.,developmental idealism)in regard to of modernity and tradition,what kind of new family behaviors. meanings develop out of their combination and the extent to which actors exercise agency within those selections remain questions that require The Modern-Traditional Mosaic With a Gender investigation. Lens At the macro level,the theoretical framework THE RESEARCH QUESTION of this study challenges the linear narratives of In the pre-reform period,the Communist progress and convergence offered by modern- government vigorously modernized Chinese ization theory.Instead,I understand tradition families via laws and policies that abolished and modernity as constituting a dynamic rela- underage and polygamous marriages,granted tionship that varies across time and context, women the right to decide when and whom which then variously shapes individuals'moti- they would marry,and promoted other forms vations regarding family behaviors in different of gender equality (Davis Harrell,1993). societies.At the meso level,I also incor- However,the influence of patriarchal tradition porated insights from feminist perspectives was never eliminated from the private sphere of on the public and private spheres (Pateman, family (Sun Chen,2014:Zuo,2003).With 1989)that complement this coexisting mosaic the rise of neoliberal globalization,supposedly approach. "modern"individualistic approaches to solve According to Paula England (2010),in"mod- gender and family issues align remarkably ern"Western societies,the private sphere of the (and ironically)well with resurgent patriarchal family is still regulated by traditional gender expectations regarding traditional gender norms. norms despite significant gains for women in With this potent mix of sometimes-conflicting, parts of the public sphere,such as the labor sometimes-overlapping messages regarding market and mass education.However,although marriage,family,and gender roles,in this women have become more progressive in their study I asked how educated,unmarried women gender ideology,men tend to remain relatively in China make decisions related to marriage traditional.Therefore,this research provides and career.Also,to what extent and how do a gendered mosaic lens,one that highlights they see themselves as navigating between the sometimes-uneasy coexistence of the mod- tradition and modernity in their efforts to ern public sphere and the traditional private make sense of their difficult and challenging sphere and the similarly sometimes-uneasy situation？

1062 Journal of Marriage and Family mixture context can embrace and integrate different elements of modernity and tradition to strategically make decisions regarding family behavior. In so doing, they actively participate in and reinvent the modern–traditional mosaic in their daily lives. Researchers have found, instead of individuals choosing to be only “modern” or “traditional,” diverse strategies and patterns: the hybrid arranged love marriage in India, the simultaneous student and mother who enjoys the support of her extended family in Nepal, and romantic love in consanguineous marriages in Qatar. For many non-Western societies, rapid indus￾trialization has occurred only since World War II; yet, their cultural heritage and indigenous family practices may have lasted for centuries or even longer. It should thus be no surprise to see the coexistence of traditional and modern elements with the onslaught of either modern￾ization (economic development) or Westerniza￾tion (e.g., developmental idealism) in regard to family behaviors. The Modern–Traditional Mosaic With a Gender Lens At the macro level, the theoretical framework of this study challenges the linear narratives of progress and convergence offered by modern￾ization theory. Instead, I understand tradition and modernity as constituting a dynamic rela￾tionship that varies across time and context, which then variously shapes individuals’ moti￾vations regarding family behaviors in different societies. At the meso level, I also incor￾porated insights from feminist perspectives on the public and private spheres (Pateman, 1989) that complement this coexisting mosaic approach. According to Paula England (2010), in “mod￾ern” Western societies, the private sphere of the family is still regulated by traditional gender norms despite significant gains for women in parts of the public sphere, such as the labor market and mass education. However, although women have become more progressive in their gender ideology, men tend to remain relatively traditional. Therefore, this research provides a gendered mosaic lens, one that highlights the sometimes-uneasy coexistence of the mod￾ern public sphere and the traditional private sphere and the similarly sometimes-uneasy cohabitation of those realms by more progres￾sive women and traditional men. At a micro level, I also drew on femi￾nist insights regarding individuals’ efforts to challenge patriarchal tradition as well as the family literature described above regarding the ways in which individuals select and combine modern and traditional ideas and practices. Work by Nazli Kibria (1990, 1995a, 1995b) on Vietnamese immigrant women in the United States and South Asian women in the urban context has revealed how women use their socioeconomic resources to renegotiate gender and family relationships within the patriarchal system. This mosaic framework thus helped me examine how women navigate a tradition and modernity “maze,” so to speak, and how their decisions regarding marriage and career both shape and are shaped by the pathways and closed passages of that maze. Whether individ￾uals select conflicting or harmonious elements of modernity and tradition, what kind of new meanings develop out of their combination and the extent to which actors exercise agency within those selections remain questions that require investigation. The Research Question In the pre-reform period, the Communist government vigorously modernized Chinese families via laws and policies that abolished underage and polygamous marriages, granted women the right to decide when and whom they would marry, and promoted other forms of gender equality (Davis & Harrell, 1993). However, the influence of patriarchal tradition was never eliminated from the private sphere of family (Sun & Chen, 2014; Zuo, 2003). With the rise of neoliberal globalization, supposedly “modern” individualistic approaches to solve gender and family issues align remarkably (and ironically) well with resurgent patriarchal expectations regarding traditional gender norms. With this potent mix of sometimes-conflicting, sometimes-overlapping messages regarding marriage, family, and gender roles, in this study I asked how educated, unmarried women in China make decisions related to marriage and career. Also, to what extent and how do they see themselves as navigating between tradition and modernity in their efforts to make sense of their difficult and challenging situation?

Tradition and Modernity 1063 METHOD Table 1.Characteristics of Informants (N=30) The Setting of Shanghai Characteristics n Located at the mouth of the Yangtze River and Age midway along the coastline of China,Shang- 26-29 10 hai is the largest city in the country and one 30-34 16 of the largest in the world,with about 23 mil- 35-40 lion people according to the 2010 China Census. Education An important global financial center,Shanghai Bachelor's or associate's degree 15 attracts highly educated professionals from all Master's degree 13 over the country.As one of the first five cities Doctoral degree 2 to open to foreign trade over 150 years ago, Ever had overseas education/work experience 9 Shanghai is the most Westernized city in main- Urban-rural land China.Women in Shanghai arguably have Native of Shanghai 11 the highest status in China in terms of gender Urban but not from Shanghai 13 equality,at least in the private sphere,and it is Rural 6 the norm there for women to be in charge of the family finances (Da,2004;Long,1999;Xu aIncludes those bom in Shanghai or those with parents Yeung,2013). from Shanghai. Sample and their referrals made it easy for me to earn the The 30 research subjects were all single women trust of other potential research candidates and between age 26 and 40 years,with the majority thus secure their agreement to participate. in their early 30s.Some of them were currently I began by asking friends,relatives,and dating,and others were not in a relationship,but coworkers to recommend interview candidates all of them had a boyfriend before.All of the in Shanghai.I then asked research informants to women had a college or higher degree,except recommend potential research subjects.Per one two who had an associate's degree.Half had a informant's suggestion,I placed a recruitment master's or doctoral degree,and close to one advertisement on Wechat (a popular Chinese third had overseas education or work experience mobile phone-based social networking appli- Most of the women were employed at the time cation with about 400 million active users) of their interview.The informants were from and asked some research informants to post professions such as medicine,engineering,and it.The strategy was extremely successful and academia.Geographically,about one third were ultimately played a crucial role in recruiting the natives of Shanghai,and the rest were from 14 sample.Wechat operates through various friend out of 31 provincial level districts nationwide. circles,so two people can see each other's posts All of them were Han ethnic,except for one, and messages only when they are friends on who was an ethnic minority.More details on the Wechat.It is an important networking outlet in subject characteristics are listed in Table 1. China today,through which news and gossip cir- culate as people forward posts within and across friend circles.Through Wechat,I recruited close Data Collection to one third of my informants. I conducted 30 semistructured interviews in I used a semistructured interview technique. Shanghai in 2013 using a snowball sampling I usually arranged interviews in public coffee technique.I used this technique because the shops or cafes in Shanghai and,with the infor- "leftover"women issue is a sensitive one in mants'permission,recorded interviews using a China,in particular for young women who are digital recorder.The interviews varied between under great pressure to get married from their 50 and 100 minutes.My informants and I usu- families and society in general.It is not an easy ally chatted for at least an hour before and after task to find them,and it is even more difficult to the interview.The longest time I stayed with an find ones who are willing to share their stories. informant was about 5 hours.It is important to Fortunately,my research subjects usually knew note that some of my informants told me later other female friends who fell into this category, that it was precisely because they did not know

Tradition and Modernity 1063 Method The Setting of Shanghai Located at the mouth of the Yangtze River and midway along the coastline of China, Shang￾hai is the largest city in the country and one of the largest in the world, with about 23 mil￾lion people according to the 2010 China Census. An important global financial center, Shanghai attracts highly educated professionals from all over the country. As one of the first five cities to open to foreign trade over 150 years ago, Shanghai is the most Westernized city in main￾land China. Women in Shanghai arguably have the highest status in China in terms of gender equality, at least in the private sphere, and it is the norm there for women to be in charge of the family finances (Da, 2004; Long, 1999; Xu & Yeung, 2013). Sample The 30 research subjects were all single women between age 26 and 40 years, with the majority in their early 30s. Some of them were currently dating, and others were not in a relationship, but all of them had a boyfriend before. All of the women had a college or higher degree, except two who had an associate’s degree. Half had a master’s or doctoral degree, and close to one third had overseas education or work experience. Most of the women were employed at the time of their interview. The informants were from professions such as medicine, engineering, and academia. Geographically, about one third were natives of Shanghai, and the rest were from 14 out of 31 provincial level districts nationwide. All of them were Han ethnic, except for one, who was an ethnic minority. More details on the subject characteristics are listed in Table 1. Data Collection I conducted 30 semistructured interviews in Shanghai in 2013 using a snowball sampling technique. I used this technique because the “leftover” women issue is a sensitive one in China, in particular for young women who are under great pressure to get married from their families and society in general. It is not an easy task to find them, and it is even more difficult to find ones who are willing to share their stories. Fortunately, my research subjects usually knew other female friends who fell into this category, Table 1. Characteristics of Informants (N =30) Characteristics n Age 26–29 10 30–34 16 35–40 4 Education Bachelor’s or associate’s degree 15 Master’s degree 13 Doctoral degree 2 Ever had overseas education/work experience 9 Urban–rural Native of Shanghaia 11 Urban but not from Shanghai 13 Rural 6 aIncludes those born in Shanghai or those with parents from Shanghai. and their referrals made it easy for me to earn the trust of other potential research candidates and thus secure their agreement to participate. I began by asking friends, relatives, and coworkers to recommend interview candidates in Shanghai. I then asked research informants to recommend potential research subjects. Per one informant’s suggestion, I placed a recruitment advertisement on Wechat (a popular Chinese mobile phone-based social networking appli￾cation with about 400 million active users) and asked some research informants to post it. The strategy was extremely successful and ultimately played a crucial role in recruiting the sample. Wechat operates through various friend circles, so two people can see each other’s posts and messages only when they are friends on Wechat. It is an important networking outlet in China today, through which news and gossip cir￾culate as people forward posts within and across friend circles. Through Wechat, I recruited close to one third of my informants. I used a semistructured interview technique. I usually arranged interviews in public coffee shops or cafés in Shanghai and, with the infor￾mants’ permission, recorded interviews using a digital recorder. The interviews varied between 50 and 100 minutes. My informants and I usu￾ally chatted for at least an hour before and after the interview. The longest time I stayed with an informant was about 5 hours. It is important to note that some of my informants told me later that it was precisely because they did not know

1064 Journal of Marriage and Family me before and because our lives did not over- the dynamics of the modernity-tradition inter- lap that they were willing to confess their expe- play by including theoretical themes such as riences and opinions regarding their romantic “confronting tradition with frustration,”“criti- life.Many of them regarded the interview as a cizing tradition,""restricting tradition to private good chance to talk about their life struggles. sphere,”“innovation out of tradition,”and It is likely that having a Ph.D.degree from and "two-way influx of modern-traditional expecta- being affiliated with a prestigious overseas uni- tions by gender."On the basis of the coding,six versity also helped me to gain their trust.It is themes emerged.I then went back to the data also possible that some of my informants might to reexamine these themes.and I consulted new have wanted to impress me with their modern literature related to these themes.Eventually. views.but even if this were the case interviews developed the modern-traditional mosaic always included discussion of the myriad tradi- theoretical framework to conceptualize and link tional aspects of their life as well,such as how the six themes. their parents pressed them to marry and how they I should note here that each theme is based on themselves followed many traditional practices. various informants who once or repeatedly nar- rated the topic.However,my aim in this study Data Analysis was not to quantify their stories in terms of who, how many,or how often interviewees touched I used an interview guide to organize each inter- on a given issue.Likewise,it was not my inten- view.The guide included questions regarding tion,in identifying shared themes,to obscure the women's romantic experiences and views. the variations across their stories.Instead,my and their and important others'(parents,neigh- goal was to understand these women's narra- bors,friends)expectations/pressures regarding tives and to conceptualize,theorize,and explain marriage.Because each informant's story and their struggles and strategies.For interview tran- opinions varied,follow-up questions varied. scripts quoted here,I provide only the English I modified my interview guide once I discov- translations.All names are pseudonyms. ered new information during the interview. For example,once I noticed that the first three informants all discussed the importance of RESULTS compatible family background for a couple,I Parental Pressure added questions related to this issue,which later became a crucial theme in the data analysis. Almost all of my informants reported feel- All interviews were conducted and tran- ing parental pressure to get married,yet they scribed in Chinese.I followed the grounded remained invested in the romantic ideal of theory approach (Charmaz,2008;Strauss “waiting for Mr.Right.”In smaller cities or Corbin,1990)to explore coding categories and rural areas,parents were constantly asked about major themes.In the coding process,I allowed their daughters'marital status and prospects new features to emerge and reconceptualize by family members,neighbors,coworkers, and redirect the study accordingly.When new and acquaintances.This anxiety thus seems to concepts did emerge,I went back to the data and permeate the entire Chinese society. consulted new literature to further reframe the Ajin is from a small city in a neighbor- study.Through this ongoing,reciprocal process, ing province.Her parents were originally from I developed the modern-traditional mosaic Shanghai but were sent down to the rural area approach;specifically,I read the interview during the Cultural Revolution.Ajin's narrative transcripts multiple times,coding them first to shows the importance of her parents in her daily generate initial categories such as "marriage life and her frustration about their intervention pressure,”“age match for marriage,.”“socio- with her romantic life: economic match for marriage,”“conflict,,”and “gender role.”I then checked whether any My mum is so anxious and she is desperate [about my marriagel.Due to that,she may use aggressive codes were missing,could be combined with languages.She let me know that I disappoint her, others,or more effectively divided in two.I make her feel self-abased,make her lose face in thus coded concepts such as“modern,”"tradi- front of people around her,and make her very tional,.”“modernity---tradition coexisting,”and unhappy.This is actually a big blow on me.The "modern-traditional conflict."I further specified fact that I have disappointed my beloved ones and

1064 Journal of Marriage and Family me before and because our lives did not over￾lap that they were willing to confess their expe￾riences and opinions regarding their romantic life. Many of them regarded the interview as a good chance to talk about their life struggles. It is likely that having a Ph.D. degree from and being affiliated with a prestigious overseas uni￾versity also helped me to gain their trust. It is also possible that some of my informants might have wanted to impress me with their modern views, but even if this were the case interviews always included discussion of the myriad tradi￾tional aspects of their life as well, such as how their parents pressed them to marry and how they themselves followed many traditional practices. Data Analysis I used an interview guide to organize each inter￾view. The guide included questions regarding the women’s romantic experiences and views, and their and important others’ (parents, neigh￾bors, friends) expectations/pressures regarding marriage. Because each informant’s story and opinions varied, follow-up questions varied. I modified my interview guide once I discov￾ered new information during the interview. For example, once I noticed that the first three informants all discussed the importance of compatible family background for a couple, I added questions related to this issue, which later became a crucial theme in the data analysis. All interviews were conducted and tran￾scribed in Chinese. I followed the grounded theory approach (Charmaz, 2008; Strauss & Corbin, 1990) to explore coding categories and major themes. In the coding process, I allowed new features to emerge and reconceptualize and redirect the study accordingly. When new concepts did emerge, I went back to the data and consulted new literature to further reframe the study. Through this ongoing, reciprocal process, I developed the modern–traditional mosaic approach; specifically, I read the interview transcripts multiple times, coding them first to generate initial categories such as “marriage pressure,” “age match for marriage,” “socio￾economic match for marriage,” “conflict,” and “gender role.” I then checked whether any codes were missing, could be combined with others, or more effectively divided in two. I thus coded concepts such as “modern,” “tradi￾tional,” “modernity–tradition coexisting,” and “modern–traditional conflict.” I further specified the dynamics of the modernity–tradition inter￾play by including theoretical themes such as “confronting tradition with frustration,” “criti￾cizing tradition,” “restricting tradition to private sphere,” “innovation out of tradition,” and “two-way influx of modern–traditional expecta￾tions by gender.” On the basis of the coding, six themes emerged. I then went back to the data to reexamine these themes, and I consulted new literature related to these themes. Eventually, I developed the modern–traditional mosaic theoretical framework to conceptualize and link the six themes. I should note here that each theme is based on various informants who once or repeatedly nar￾rated the topic. However, my aim in this study was not to quantify their stories in terms of who, how many, or how often interviewees touched on a given issue. Likewise, it was not my inten￾tion, in identifying shared themes, to obscure the variations across their stories. Instead, my goal was to understand these women’s narra￾tives and to conceptualize, theorize, and explain their struggles and strategies. For interview tran￾scripts quoted here, I provide only the English translations. All names are pseudonyms. Results Parental Pressure Almost all of my informants reported feel￾ing parental pressure to get married, yet they remained invested in the romantic ideal of “waiting for Mr. Right.” In smaller cities or rural areas, parents were constantly asked about their daughters’ marital status and prospects by family members, neighbors, coworkers, and acquaintances. This anxiety thus seems to permeate the entire Chinese society. Ajin is from a small city in a neighbor￾ing province. Her parents were originally from Shanghai but were sent down to the rural area during the Cultural Revolution. Ajin’s narrative shows the importance of her parents in her daily life and her frustration about their intervention with her romantic life: My mum is so anxious and she is desperate [about my marriage]. Due to that, she may use aggressive languages. She let me know that I disappoint her, make her feel self-abased, make her lose face in front of people around her, and make her very unhappy. This is actually a big blow on me. The fact that I have disappointed my beloved ones and

Tradition and Modernity 1065 make their life miserable is a huge attack on my the one-child family policy,the nuclear fam- heart....Her desperation is reflected by the fact ily seems to have taken on added significance. that she tries to match me up with all ridiculous Familism is still relevant for educated women in men by all means.She does not care if they are fit for you.She only cares if they are single,or have Shanghai;arranged marriage may no longer be the XY gene. practiced,but parents'traditional expectations are deeply influential and meaningful.Most of Dongzi was born in a remote village in a the women I interviewed shared their parents northern province.Her parents are both farmers, expectation of marriage as an ultimate goal; and her mother has never left her birthplace. however,the women would not relinquish their Almost every time she called her mother,they own,more individualistic ideals of personal would have a fight over Dongzi's single status. romance regarding when and whom to marry. Dongzi's mother pressed her to return home,get married,and have children.Dongzi's mother's Gender Double Standard of Aging ideal of small-town.traditional family life is at odds with Dongzi's single,modern,professional As in many other societies,age hypergamy life in metropolitan Shanghai.Dongzi accepts is common among Chinese women.As Eng- the social expectation of marriage for women but land and McClintock (2009)discussed,men said she is not willing to compromise with her tend to marry younger women,and the older parents regarding her search for Mr.Right: men are,the larger the age discrepancy.This is also the case for women in China,who have In fact,I have my family,and my parents.I cannot made tremendous advancements in terms of their choose the life only for my own sake....[My upward socioeconomic mobility yet still find mother]thinks I have to get married right now, that their age is held against them.Many of regardless of who I can find....Our goals(getting my research informants lamented that age is married)are the same,but views are different.I unfair for women-in particular for professional want to get married,and there is no doubt about it. But,I have not found the man whom I am willing women who have worked hard in their careers to marry without hesitation. but now find themselves labeled as "leftover" by a cultural tradition that values only women's Xiaomamei,in her late 20s,is from a single- youth and dependence. parent family in a small city in a neighbor- Xiaoling is a native from Shanghai in her mid- ing province.In her narratives,she revealed to late 30s.She is a high-ranking manager in a that friends,neighbors,and family members transnational high technology company.Reflect- constantly remind Xiaomamei's mother ing on her own experience,Xiaoling's narrative whether through daily chatting or casual clearly demonstrates the gender double standard encounters-that her daughter is single.Xiao- of aging and the pressure women face as they get mamei admitted feeling guilty for being single older: Her case is strong evidence of how a traditional community can maintain and even intensify nor- Ah,when you are older,you have not found some- mative marriage expectations for young women. one.What to do?Men are OK,but women are Because of her mother's pressure,Xiaomamei really anxious and they feel everything is over. eventually moved to a smaller city near her When I was in my twenties,I don't remember how home,where job opportunities were more scarce many people want to do matchmaking for me.But but where it would be easier to meet men and now,almost nobody comes to me,absolutely. stop rumors about her romantic life: But men are different.You can date anybody you want.You are 40,and you can still date anybody I was in a very embarrassing situation last year [at you want.I have a coworker who's divorced two Spring Festival].We go to visit a grandaunt.She years ago and is married again.He is close to 50 asks my age and I tell her 26.She then asks if I and his wife was born in 1985....But I don't see have married or have a boyfriend.I tell her that I the opposite case (younger man marrying older have no boyfriend.She raises her voice suddenly woman). in front of everybody and accuses my mum why her daughter has not yet married. Xiaohe,in her early 30s,is from a small city in a neighboring province.She shared the In China's rapidly changing context,with story of a good friend who confided at one point the collapse of the socialist welfare system and that she was going to have a boyfriend soon

Tradition and Modernity 1065 make their life miserable is a huge attack on my heart. . . . Her desperation is reflected by the fact that she tries to match me up with all ridiculous men by all means. She does not care if they are fit for you. She only cares if they are single, or have the XY gene. Dongzi was born in a remote village in a northern province. Her parents are both farmers, and her mother has never left her birthplace. Almost every time she called her mother, they would have a fight over Dongzi’s single status. Dongzi’s mother pressed her to return home, get married, and have children. Dongzi’s mother’s ideal of small-town, traditional family life is at odds with Dongzi’s single, modern, professional life in metropolitan Shanghai. Dongzi accepts the social expectation of marriage for women but said she is not willing to compromise with her parents regarding her search for Mr. Right: In fact, I have my family, and my parents. I cannot choose the life only for my own sake. . . . [My mother] thinks I have to get married right now, regardless of who I can find. . . . Our goals (getting married) are the same, but views are different. I want to get married, and there is no doubt about it. But, I have not found the man whom I am willing to marry without hesitation. Xiaomamei, in her late 20s, is from a single￾parent family in a small city in a neighbor￾ing province. In her narratives, she revealed that friends, neighbors, and family members constantly remind Xiaomamei’s mother— whether through daily chatting or casual encounters—that her daughter is single. Xiao￾mamei admitted feeling guilty for being single. Her case is strong evidence of how a traditional community can maintain and even intensify nor￾mative marriage expectations for young women. Because of her mother’s pressure, Xiaomamei eventually moved to a smaller city near her home, where job opportunities were more scarce but where it would be easier to meet men and stop rumors about her romantic life: I was in a very embarrassing situation last year [at Spring Festival]. We go to visit a grandaunt. She asks my age and I tell her 26. She then asks if I have married or have a boyfriend. I tell her that I have no boyfriend. She raises her voice suddenly in front of everybody and accuses my mum why her daughter has not yet married. In China’s rapidly changing context, with the collapse of the socialist welfare system and the one-child family policy, the nuclear fam￾ily seems to have taken on added significance. Familism is still relevant for educated women in Shanghai; arranged marriage may no longer be practiced, but parents’ traditional expectations are deeply influential and meaningful. Most of the women I interviewed shared their parents’ expectation of marriage as an ultimate goal; however, the women would not relinquish their own, more individualistic ideals of personal romance regarding when and whom to marry. Gender Double Standard of Aging As in many other societies, age hypergamy is common among Chinese women. As Eng￾land and McClintock (2009) discussed, men tend to marry younger women, and the older men are, the larger the age discrepancy. This is also the case for women in China, who have made tremendous advancements in terms of their upward socioeconomic mobility yet still find that their age is held against them. Many of my research informants lamented that age is unfair for women—in particular for professional women who have worked hard in their careers but now find themselves labeled as “leftover” by a cultural tradition that values only women’s youth and dependence. Xiaoling is a native from Shanghai in her mid￾to late 30s. She is a high-ranking manager in a transnational high technology company. Reflect￾ing on her own experience, Xiaoling’s narrative clearly demonstrates the gender double standard of aging and the pressure women face as they get older: Ah, when you are older, you have not found some￾one. What to do? Men are OK, but women are really anxious and they feel everything is over. When I was in my twenties, I don’t remember how many people want to do matchmaking for me. But now, almost nobody comes to me, absolutely. But men are different. You can date anybody you want. You are 40, and you can still date anybody you want. I have a coworker who’s divorced two years ago and is married again. He is close to 50 and his wife was born in 1985. … But I don’t see the opposite case (younger man marrying older woman). Xiaohe, in her early 30s, is from a small city in a neighboring province. She shared the story of a good friend who confided at one point that she was going to have a boyfriend soon

1066 Journal of Marriage and Family This man was a coworker and they had become for younger women,who have fewer economic close through playing badminton.He liked her resources of their own,the assumption seems and brought her lunch sometimes.But when more problematic in the case of older.more Xiaohe's friend told the man that she was 4 years established women.My interviews with these older than him,he shifted to calling her "elder educated women showed that,as successful sister"(jiejie).The unspoken message was that career women,they do not accept the subordi- she was too old to be a romantic partner.In nate and dependent women's role endorsed by a very subtle and skillful way,the love rela- the Confucian tradition.Instead,they are open tionship shifted into a nonromantic,sibling-like and tolerant about dating or marrying men with relationship. fewer financial resources.However,the common Yueyue is from a large city in west China.In concern is that men would likely have problems her mid-30s,she is a high-ranking manager in a facing an independent wife who earned more large corporation.She has been meeting men set than they do,and this would negatively affect the up by friends and noted that she would not mind relationship. finding a younger man.From her perspective,the Xiaoling felt it was acceptable to find a man problem is men who cannot accept older women. who earned less than she did,but she was cau- Her friend once set her up with a relatively tious to note that the difference could not be too successful man.He liked Yueyue very much on large,considering men's feelings: their first date,but when she told him that they were the same age,he stopped seeing her.He If the difference is too big,there will be problems, later told the matchmaker that she was too old because men usually have pretty strong pride.If a for him.Yueyue lamented: woman earns less than a man,that is supposed to be this way.You feel right and others feel right. The older you become,the fewer choices [of men] But if it is opposite,if she earns 10,000 and he you have.This is the common issue that we"left- earns 1,000,it's a big problem.Even ifshe does not over"women face.The older you are,the fewer mind,the man must care deep down.In my mind, choices you have.At the same time,your condi- this marriage will not be happy.He is looking for tions are becoming higher and higher.You cannot the so-called men's pride at any time and in any look down and you can never find a suitable one. place.There is no way to get out. The educated women valued their personal Xiaohe further described the gender double standard in the marriage market when it comes development and have flexible attitudes about marriage age;some,like Yueyue,would be fine to socioeconomic status: with a younger man as a mate.Yet they are also aware of the unfair,traditional expecta- Men do not have any disadvantage.But they are all disadvantages for women.For example,a woman, tions vis-a-vis men and women's ages at mar- you have a Ph.D.degree,and it is a disadvantage. riage,although they do not necessarily endorse You have money and you have a good job.You this social norm.An ideal marriage in China is are over.They are both disadvantages.Age is traditionally described as a knowledgeable hus- also a disadvantage.But the same things are all band and a beautiful wife (lang cai nii mao). advantages for men. To be a knowledgeable husband demands years of hard work,whereas being a beautiful wife Yuanzi,in her early 30s,worked for a training requires“only”youthful,.good looks.Social company.She was originally from a big city in norms and men have remained traditional,and north China.She told me a story of a couple who without men's cooperation and efforts at the ended up divorcing because of the husband's societal level it is difficult for women alone to insecurity over the wife's competence: change the rigid social expectations. I have a schoolmate.Her ex-husband divorced her because she is too excellent.His position is Forced Socioeconomic Hypergamy lower than hers.They are both civil servants.He earns less than she does.She also has lots of One conventional idea of hypergamy empha- work-related social events,but he does not have sizes that women choose men on the basis much.He goes back home right after work.Then of the latter's earning power (Presser,1975; they cannot solve their conflicts and end up with South,1991).Although this might hold true divorce

1066 Journal of Marriage and Family This man was a coworker and they had become close through playing badminton. He liked her and brought her lunch sometimes. But when Xiaohe’s friend told the man that she was 4 years older than him, he shifted to calling her “elder sister” (jiejie). The unspoken message was that she was too old to be a romantic partner. In a very subtle and skillful way, the love rela￾tionship shifted into a nonromantic, sibling-like relationship. Yueyue is from a large city in west China. In her mid-30s, she is a high-ranking manager in a large corporation. She has been meeting men set up by friends and noted that she would not mind finding a younger man. From her perspective, the problem is men who cannot accept older women. Her friend once set her up with a relatively successful man. He liked Yueyue very much on their first date, but when she told him that they were the same age, he stopped seeing her. He later told the matchmaker that she was too old for him. Yueyue lamented: The older you become, the fewer choices [of men] you have. This is the common issue that we “left￾over” women face. The older you are, the fewer choices you have. At the same time, your condi￾tions are becoming higher and higher. You cannot look down and you can never find a suitable one. The educated women valued their personal development and have flexible attitudes about marriage age; some, like Yueyue, would be fine with a younger man as a mate. Yet they are also aware of the unfair, traditional expecta￾tions vis-à-vis men and women’s ages at mar￾riage, although they do not necessarily endorse this social norm. An ideal marriage in China is traditionally described as a knowledgeable hus￾band and a beautiful wife (lang cai nü mao). To be a knowledgeable husband demands years of hard work, whereas being a beautiful wife requires “only” youthful, good looks. Social norms and men have remained traditional, and without men’s cooperation and efforts at the societal level it is difficult for women alone to change the rigid social expectations. Forced Socioeconomic Hypergamy One conventional idea of hypergamy empha￾sizes that women choose men on the basis of the latter’s earning power (Presser, 1975; South, 1991). Although this might hold true for younger women, who have fewer economic resources of their own, the assumption seems more problematic in the case of older, more established women. My interviews with these educated women showed that, as successful career women, they do not accept the subordi￾nate and dependent women’s role endorsed by the Confucian tradition. Instead, they are open and tolerant about dating or marrying men with fewer financial resources. However, the common concern is that men would likely have problems facing an independent wife who earned more than they do, and this would negatively affect the relationship. Xiaoling felt it was acceptable to find a man who earned less than she did, but she was cau￾tious to note that the difference could not be too large, considering men’s feelings: If the difference is too big, there will be problems, because men usually have pretty strong pride. If a woman earns less than a man, that is supposed to be this way. You feel right and others feel right. But if it is opposite, if she earns 10,000 and he earns 1,000, it’s a big problem. Even if she does not mind, the man must care deep down. In my mind, this marriage will not be happy. He is looking for the so-called men’s pride at any time and in any place. There is no way to get out. Xiaohe further described the gender double standard in the marriage market when it comes to socioeconomic status: Men do not have any disadvantage. But they are all disadvantages for women. For example, a woman, you have a Ph.D. degree, and it is a disadvantage. You have money and you have a good job. You are over. They are both disadvantages. Age is also a disadvantage. But the same things are all advantages for men. Yuanzi, in her early 30s, worked for a training company. She was originally from a big city in north China. She told me a story of a couple who ended up divorcing because of the husband’s insecurity over the wife’s competence: I have a schoolmate. Her ex-husband divorced her because she is too excellent. His position is lower than hers. They are both civil servants. He earns less than she does. She also has lots of work-related social events, but he does not have much. He goes back home right after work. Then they cannot solve their conflicts and end up with divorce