《旅游心理学 Tourism Psychology》课程教学资源（参考文献）CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY

团购合买资源类别：文库，文档格式：PDF，文档页数：4，文件大小：510.11KB

200 CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY:A JOURNAL OF REVIEWS potential of change.They see the contem- The Tourist:A New Theory of the Leisure porary workplace as deadening and dehuman- Class,by DEAN MACCANNELL.New York: izing and focus on the possibilities of estab- Schocken Books,1976.214 pp.$12.95 lishing alternative institutions that link work cloth.$5.95 paper. and community together.Unlike many studies of counter-cultural communes,however, SUZANNE WEDOW theirs gives primary emphasis to work organi- SUNY/Stony Brook zation itself and devotes much less attention to other aspects of communal life.The pre- Dean MacCannell's The Tourist rings true, sentation is also more balanced and less uto- at least to this reviewer crossing the continent pian than that of other commentators,and during the Bicentennial summer of '76.In- points out the potentially alienating character- deed the terms tourist and sociologist seem istics of many communal workplaces and almost interchangeable in MacCannell's meta- tries to deal with the difficult problems of phoric commentary on the modern individual. efficiency that must face many such institu- This text,though,is more than a perceptive, tions. entertaining discussion of tourists and tour- The contents include twelve chapters di- ism:it is also a skillful blend of structuralist vided into three parts.The first of these in- thought,some of Marx's central tenets re- cludes a lengthy theoretical introduction,the addressed,semiotics,work manifesting the second an analysis of American cooperative spirit of Erving Goffman,Veblen,and even work experiments from the mid-nineteenth Ethnomethodology.This synthetic approach century to the present,and the third a laying- lends a new,and I think important,tone to out of the possibilities for change in the near traditional debates about high and low culture, future.Their attention,however,is not limited the impact of tourism on modern society, to the American experience.The authors in alienation and the workplace,the uses of two perceptive chapters deal with contempo- leisure,and the work of genuine theorizing rary experiments taking place in capitalist without pedantry. and socialist nations abroad.They do not, MacCannell has set out to understand the unfortunately,adequately deal with the na- fundamental unity or unities of modern so- tional sanction given many of these foreign ciety,a task Levi-Strauss foreswore.Para- workplace experiments nor compare them doxically he finds differentiation to be the with the out-of-the-mainstream nature of key term.Structural differentiation is a sys- communal work situations in this country. temic variable,its reality taken as a social This reflects the one serious criticism that fact.Tourism takes on the ritualistic func- might be made of an otherwise outstanding tions of commemorating history and place book:the Frenches'analysis lacks a political Differentiation,a key process in moderniza- dimension and fails to explain how humanistic tion,promotes new combinations of informa- work organization can develop in other than a tion and cultural products.Tourism spreads voluntaristic and individualistic fashion in this the word by dispersing individuals into set- country.Small work communes may serve the tings where new understandings can occur. needs of their members,but the focus on very The concept of the "dialectics of authen- small production units leaves untouched the ticity"is his attempt to answer a critique of lives of the vast majority of Americans who structuralism's static view of society.Modern- work in large,bureaucratized factories and ity is differentiation;but this is a process offices.Nor does their analysis deal with the which generates alternative realities.Material interrelations of communal work settings and and symbolic relations are constantly becom- the communities in which they reside.In ing assembled,exchanged and transformed some cities and towns,principally those par- into different realities,some of which compli- tially or fully dominated by colleges or uni- cate a claim he makes on behalf of tourists: versities,the institutionalization of work alter- that they seek more or less“authentic”ex- natives is beginning to affect community life. periences.The difficult issue for us all is Despite this reservation,French and French deciding which structures are genuine,which deserve high marks for the importance of are spurious.Differentiation produces both topic,and the grace of their writing.Few consensus and confusion. works so successfully integrate philosophical Interestingly,MacCannell spends a good issues with concrete examples.The book is deal of time discussing work.His comparative ideal both for introductory sociology courses analysis of guide books to Paris,for example, and for classes in the sociology of work and points to the transformation of work from a organization. primary source of alienation to alienated This content downloaded from 130.237.29.138 on Mon.14 Dec 2015 06:46:11 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

200 CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY: A JOURNAL OF REVIEWS potential of change. They see the contemporary workplace as deadening and dehumanizing and focus on the possibilities of establishing alternative institutions that link work and community together. Unlike many studies of counter-cultural communes, however, theirs gives primary emphasis to work organization itself and devotes much less attention to other aspects of communal life. The presentation is also more balanced and less utopian than that of other commentators, and points out the potentially alienating characteristics of many communal workplaces and tries to deal with the difficult problems of efficiency that must face many such institutions. The contents include twelve chapters divided into three parts. The first of these includes a lengthy theoretical introduction, the second an analysis of American cooperative work experiments from the mid-nineteenth century to the present, and the third a layingout of the possibilities for change in the near future. Their attention, however, is not limited to the American experience. The authors in two perceptive chapters deal with contemporary experiments taking place in capitalist and socialist nations abroad. They do not, unfortunately, adequately deal with the national sanction given many of these foreign workplace experiments nor compare them with the out-of-the-mainstream nature of communal work situations in this country. This reflects the one serious criticism that might be made of an otherwise outstanding book: the Frenches' analysis lacks a political dimension and fails to explain how humanistic work organization can develop in other than a voluntaristic and individualistic fashion in this country. Small work communes may serve the needs of their members, but the focus on very small production units leaves untouched the lives of the vast majority of Americans who work in large, bureaucratized factories and offices. Nor does their analysis deal with the interrelations of communal work settings and the communities in which they reside. In some cities and towns, principally those partially or fully dominated by colleges or universities, the institutionalization of work alternatives is beginning to affect community life. Despite this reservation, French and French deserve high marks for the importance of topic, and the grace of their writing. Few works so successfully integrate philosophical issues with concrete examples. The book is ideal both for introductory sociology courses and for classes in the sociology of work and organization. The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class, by DEAN MACCANNELL. New York: Schocken Books, 1976. 214 pp. $12.95 cloth. $5.95 paper. SUZANNE WEDOW SUNY/Stony Brook Dean MacCannell's The Tourist rings true, at least to this reviewer crossing the continent during the Bicentennial summer of '76. Indeed the terms tourist and sociologist seem almost interchangeable in MacCannell's metaphoric commentary on the modern individual. This text, though, is more than a perceptive, entertaining discussion of tourists and tourism; it is also a skillful blend of structuralist thought, some of Marx's central tenets readdressed, semiotics, work manifesting the spirit of Erving Goffman, Veblen, and even Ethnomethodology. This synthetic approach lends a new, and I think important, tone to traditional debates about high and low culture, the impact of tourism on modern society, alienation and the workplace, the uses of leisure, and the work of genuine theorizing without pedantry. MacCannell has set out to understand the fundamental unity or unities of modern society, a task Levi-Strauss foreswore. Paradoxically he finds differentiation to be the key term. Structural differentiation is a systemic variable, its reality taken as a social fact. Tourism takes on the ritualistic functions of commemorating history and place. Differentiation, a key process in modernization, promotes new combinations of information and cultural products. Tourism spreads the word by dispersing individuals into settings where new understandings can occur. The concept of the "dialectics of authenticity" is his attempt to answer a critique of structuralism's static view of society. Modernity is differentiation; but this is a process which generates alternative realities. Material and symbolic relations are constantly becoming assembled, exchanged and transformed into different realities, some of which complicate a claim he makes on behalf of tourists: that they seek more or less "authentic" experiences. The difficult issue for us all is deciding which structures are genuine, which are spurious. Differentiation produces both consensus and confusion. Interestingly, MacCannell spends a good deal of time discussing work. His comparative analysis of guide books to Paris, for example, points to the transformation of work from a primary source of alienation to alienated This content downloaded from 130.237.29.138 on Mon, 14 Dec 2015 06:46:11 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

OCCUPATION,WORK,AND LEISURE 201 leisure which makes work a type of tourist thentic,settings for tourists demonstrates this attraction.Tours of wineries,canning fac- problem,e.g,the“staged”backstage at Para- tories,and automobile factories are cases in mount movie studios.MacCannell offers one point.We witness the work process but not possible way to distinguish the spurious from the workers;we see the produced commodity the genuine,this occurring in the operation but not the sweat of the production. of the commercial realm where "spurious so- This approach to work takes up Marx's dis- cial relations and structural elements can be cussion of the problems of industrial society bought,sold,traded and distributed through- in a new way.MacCannell argues that the ob- out the world”(p.155) jects of structural differentiation are newer While the viability of traditional culture types of commodities,experiential in nature seems to be severely questioned today,Mac- rather than material.When the value of a Cannell observes that this is an ongoing commodity is based upon promised experi- struggle between the plasticity of touristic ences,rather than labor time invested,its imageries and a valid,historical past that usefulness,or its exchange value,the time is seems less plastic,less portable.In a chapter ripe for transforming the meaning of work on practical applications,he contrasts both settings into tourist attractions. industrial and plantation forms of tourism In the same way tourism is work and it is with“natural growth tourism.”He suggests alienated in essence.MacCannell bases his an emergent,local tourism can become one view of "touristic consciousness"on the idea way to reinstate the best of what we think that people are now "liberated from tradi- of ourselves and our histories.The weight of tional attachments into the modern world his argument,though,makes one less opti- where,as tourists,they may attempt to dis- mistic than one senses him to be. cover or reconstruct a cultural heritage or a MacCannell makes few apologies for his social identity"(p.13)."The act of sight- methodology,which combines field notes,ap- seeing is a kind of involvement with social parently a great deal of traveling,semiotic appearances that helps the person to construct analysis of diverse forms of memorabilia, totalities from his disparate experiences"(p. newspapers,books,and archives.He has a 15).This work is discussed further in a chap- clever sense of the perfect example given ter titled "Ethnomethodology of Sightseers. with a touch of amusement.He need not He considers an aspect of the tourists'authen- apologize,for his analysis is evocatively cor- tication of their experiences or "the accom- rect and well done. plishment of touristic certainty"(p.135). Nonetheless there are a few problems with Tourists employ sights and sight markers- his approach.Immediately the seeker of all forms of information about a specific sight causes will ask "why all this tourism,the -in the work of producing certainty or truth plasticity of cultural forms,the hollowness of about the existence and meaning of "what a visit to Yellowstone Park?"He doesn't they've really seen."The end product is a truly address this issue.Social structural cognitive organization of information per- differentiation seems to be both cause and tinent to authenticating one's own status as result of modernity.However,this criticism a good tourist.Cliches are more than banal is more appropriate to critical discussions of phrases;they are proof of one's experiences. structuralism itself.Since MacCannell's text A sense of consensus about the meaningful is not an attempt to do such the charge is features of these settings,and the contempo- less relevant. rary world,emerges from this interpretive Some might take issue with his concept of work of viewing and conversing. authenticity.He is only concerned with a A chapter on the semiotic of attractions type of apolitical,existential authenticity.It takes up the uses of information to construct would have made stronger political commen- a sense of consensus.Here he looks at the tary (which in some sense I think MacCan- transformation of object and place into attrac- nell intended)had the question of political tions,their gradual movement from a setting legitimacy been placed in contrast to experi- to a representation of a setting,e.g.,a ential authenticity.Otherwise the fuss about miniature Eiffel Tower.He points out the Olympic athlete's national representation, there is no easy solution to the problem of for example,would seem irrelevant or trivial. what is real or not,or genuine or fake,since Tourism,money,and politics all affected the modernization can quickly transform the final packaging of that particular attraction. meaning of both truth and non-truth,spuri-In another way he overvalues the term au- ous and genuine structure.The staging of thenticity.Some tourists may not seek authen- authentic,or more or less apparently au- tic experiences or truth.Tourists could also This content downloaded from 130.237.29.138 on Mon,14 Dec 2015 06:46:11 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

OCCUPATION, WORK, AND LEISURE 201 leisure which makes work a type of tourist attraction. Tours of wineries, canning factories, and automobile factories are cases in point. We witness the work process but not the workers; we see the produced commodity but not the sweat of the production. This approach to work takes up Marx's discussion of the problems of industrial society in a new way. MacCannell argues that the objects of structural differentiation are newer types of commodities, experiential in nature rather than material. When the value of a commodity is based upon promised experiences, rather than labor time invested, its usefulness, or its exchange value, the time is ripe for transforming the meaning of work settings into tourist attractions. In the same way tourism is work and it is alienated in essence. MacCannell bases his view of "touristic consciousness" on the idea that people are now "liberated from traditional attachments into the modern world where, as tourists, they may attempto discover or reconstruct a cultural heritage or a social identity" (p. 13). "The act of sightseeing is a kind of involvement with social appearances that helps the person to construct totalities from his disparate experiences" (p. 15). This work is discussed further in a chapter titled "Ethnomethodology of Sightseers.' He considers an aspect of the tourists' authentication of their experiences or "the accomplishment of touristic certainty" (p. 135). Tourists employ sights and sight markersall forms of information about a specific sight -in the work of producing certainty or truth about the existence and meaning of "what they've really seen." The end product is a cognitive organization of information pertinent to authenticating one's own status as a good tourist. Cliches are more than banal phrases; they are proof of one's experiences. A sense of consensus about the meaningful features of these settings, and the contemporary world, emerges from this interpretive work of viewing and conversing. A chapter on the semiotic of attractions takes up the uses of information to construct a sense of consensus. Here he looks at the transformation of object and place into attractions, their gradual movement from a setting to a representation of a setting, e.g., a miniature Eiffel Tower. He points out there is no easy solution to the problem of what is real or not, or genuine or fake, since modernization can quickly transform the meaning of both truth and non-truth, spurious and genuine structure. The staging of authentic, or more or less apparently authentic, settings for tourists demonstrates this problem, e.g., the "staged" backstage at Paramount movie studios. MacCannell offers one possible way to distinguish the spurious from the genuine, this occurring in the operation of the commercial realm where "spuriousocial relations and structural elements can be bought, sold, traded and distributed throughout the world" (p. 155). While the viability of traditional culture seems to be severely questioned today, MacCannell observes that this is an ongoing struggle between the plasticity of touristic imageries and a valid, historical past that seems less plastic, less portable. In a chapter on practical applications, he contrasts both industrial and plantation forms of tourism with "natural growth tourism." He suggests an emergent, local tourism can become one way to reinstate the best of what we think of ourselves and our histories. The weight of his argument, though, makes one less optimistic than one senses him, to be. MacCannell makes few apologies for his methodology, which combines field notes, apparently a great deal of traveling, semiotic analysis of diverse forms of memorabilia, newspapers, books, and archives. He has a clever sense of the perfect example given with a touch of amusement. He need not apologize, for his analysis is evocatively correct and well done. Nonetheless there are a few problems with his approach. Immediately the seeker of causes will ask "why all this tourism, the plasticity of cultural forms, the hollowness of a visit to Yellowstone Park?" He doesn't truly address this issue. Social structural differentiation seems to be both cause and result of modernity. However, this criticism is more appropriate to critical discussions of structuralism itself. Since MacCannell's text is not an attempt to do such the charge is less relevant. Some might take issue with his concept of authenticity. He is only concerned with a type of apolitical, existential authenticity. It would have made stronger political commentary (which in some sense I think MacCannell intended) had the question of political legitimacy been placed in contrasto experiential authenticity. Otherwise the fuss about the Olympic athlete's national representation, for example, would seem irrelevant or trivial. Tourism, money, and politics all affected the final packaging of that particular attraction. In another way he overvalues the term authenticity. Some tourists may not seek authentic experiences or truth. Tourists could also This content downloaded from 130.237.29.138 on Mon, 14 Dec 2015 06:46:11 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

202 CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY:A JOURNAL OF REVIEWS be cynical,amused,or altogether unconcerned to public assessment of the diplomatic ser- with anything meaningful.Perhaps not all the vice.For obvious reasons of self-interest the tourists on this bus are pilgrims;some might diplomats tried to fill the vacuum with the be residents and indeed sociologists watching well-tooled image of a gentleman generalist, the watchers. while the consular service pressed for self- Overall MacCannell's book deserves praise. definition and career advancement by tech- It is perceptive rather than pedantic,ironic nical knowledge and skills.It was something (perhaps?)yet a serious commentary.Both of a miracle that the reformers finally did his literary style and theoretical sophistication marry the two services,although the under- are genuine contributions s to sociological lying divergencies in professional perspectives scholarship. remain to this day. Schulzinger tells his story well,but seems unable to break out of the aconceptual nar- The Making of the Diplomatic Mind:The rative exposition characterizing most diplo- Training,Outlook,and Style of United matic history.For the student of professions States Foreign Service Officers,1908-1931, the chief merit of this book is the solid raw by RoBERT D.SCHUI ZINGER.Middletown, material which it provides for sociological Conn.:Wesleyan University Press,1975. analysis.The text occasionally rises to con- 237pp.$15.00 cloth. ceptualization,but for the most part it simply recounts actors,transactions,and the flow of DONALD P.WARWICK events.Nevertheless,I would place it on my Harvard University own short list for the sociology of diplomacy, along with The Professional Diplomat by Though diplomacy is an old profession,and John Ensor Harr and Professional Diplomacy has often been called a subsidiary of the old- in the United States,1779-1939,by Warren est,it has received scant attention from the F.Ilchman sociology of professions.Partly this is because sociology has been remarkably innocent of foreign affairs,and partly because diplomacy Work and Welfare in Britain and the USA, barely meets the sociological specifications by BRUNO STEIN.New York:John Wiley for a profession.This short book (155 pages Sons,1976.112 pp.$10.95 cloth of text)traces the tortuous evolution of the US Foreign Service from the indolent frivolity MARIE WITHERS OSMOND and cookie-pushing of the nineteenth century Florida State University,Tallahassee to the serious careerism ushered in by the Rogers Act of 1924.It is largely the story of The welfare explosion of the 1960s gen- two nondescript and often warring occupa- erated considerable sociological interest tions,diplomats and consuls,trying to fuse which,however,has been expressed largely themselves,with the aid of Congress and in humanitarian and reformist rhetoric.Stein's business interests,into a coherent career comparative study of Britain and America is service. politically neutral and thus offers a much The prime obstacle confronting the pro- needed balance.Stein (an economist)ably fessionalizers,and one which still plagues the documents his major thesis that income main- Foreign Service,is a profound ambiguity tenance policies should not,and indeed can- about diplomacy.The Foreign Service "dif- not,be viewed as separate from a nation's fered from other,more rigorous professions labor resources and employment policies.The in its lack of a persuasive social and intel- results of a one-year (1972-3)study of lectual domain which excluded outsiders from British policies are the focal point of the Foreign Service work"(p.8).Unlike medi- book.These are supplemented with a wealth cine,architecture,and law,it had no single of historical and current information on the body of knowledge to be mastered,no sharply welfare systems of both countries. formulated objectives,and no explicit meth- The author acknowledges that he had ex- ods of procedure,save in the more mechanical pected to find a better developed linkage domains of consular work.The resulting un- between labor and income maintenance poli- certainty spilled over to recruitment,training, cies in Britain than in the USA.His study informal professional socialization,perfor- revealed that,especially for the "hard to em- mance evaluation,and promotion,as well as ploy"population,labor programs are poorly This content downloaded from 130.237.29.138 on Mon,14 Dec 2015 06:46:11 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

202 CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY: A JOURNAL OF REVIEWS be cynical, amused, or altogether unconcerned with anything meaningful. Perhaps not all the tourists on this bus are pilgrims; some might be residents and indeed sociologists watching the watchers. Overall MacCannell's book deserves praise. It is perceptive rather than pedantic, ironic (perhaps?) yet a serious commentary. Both his literary style and theoretical sophistication are genuine contributions to sociological scholarship. The Making of the Diplomatic Mind: The Training, Outlook, and Style of United States Foreign Service Officers, 1908-1931, by ROBERT D. SCHUI ZINGER. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1975. 237 pp. $15.00 cloth. DONALD P. WARWICK Harvard University Though diplomacy is an old profession, and has often been called a subsidiary of the oldest, it has received scant attention from the sociology of professions. Partly this is because sociology has been remarkably innocent of foreign affairs, and partly because diplomacy barely meets the sociological specifications for a profession. This short book (155 pages of text) traces the tortuous evolution of the US Foreign Service from the indolent frivolity and cookie-pushing of the nineteenth century to the serious careerism ushered in by the Rogers Act of 1924. It is largely the story of two nondescript and often warring occupations, diplomats and consuls, trying to fuse themselves, with the aid of Congress and business interests, into a coherent career service. The prime obstacle confronting the professionalizers, and one which still plagues the Foreign Service, is a profound ambiguity about diplomacy. The Foreign Service "differed from other, more rigorous professions in its lack of a persuasive social and intellectual domain which excluded outsiders from Foreign Service work" (p. 8). Unlike medicine, architecture, and law, it had no single body of knowledge to be mastered, no sharply formulated objectives, and no explicit methods of procedure, save in the more mechanical domains of consular work. The resulting uncertainty spilled over to recruitment, training, informal professional socialization, performance evaluation, and promotion, as well as to public assessment of the diplomatic service. For obvious reasons of self-interest the diplomats tried to fill the vacuum with the well-tooled image of a gentleman generalist, while the consular service pressed for selfdefinition and career advancement by technical knowledge and skills. It was something of a miracle that the reformers finally did marry the two services, although the underlying divergencies in professional perspectives remain to this day. Schulzinger tells his story well, but seems unable to break out of the aconceptual narrative exposition characterizing most diplomatic history. For the student of professions the chief merit of this book is the solid raw material which it provides for sociological analysis. The text occasionally rises to conceptualization, but for the most part it simply recounts actors, transactions, and the flow of events. Nevertheless, I would place it on my own short list for the sociology of diplomacy, along with The Professional Diplomat by John Ensor Harr and Professional Diplomacy in the United States, 1779-1939, by Warren F. Ilchman. Work and Welfare in Britain and the USA, by BRUNO STEIN. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1976. 112 pp. $10.95 cloth. MARIE WITHERS OSMOND Florida State University, Tallahassee The welfare explosion of the 1 960s generated considerable sociological interest which, however, has been expressed largely in humanitarian and reformist rhetoric. Stein's comparative study of Britain and America is politically neutral and thus offers a much needed balance. Stein (an economist) ably documents his major thesis that income maintenance policies should not, and indeed cannot, be viewed as separate from a nation's labor resources and employment policies. The results of a one-year (1972-3) study of British policies are the focal point of the book. These are supplemented with a wealth of historical and current information on the welfare systems of both countries. The author acknowledges that he had expected to find a better developed linkage between labor and income maintenance policies in Britain than in the USA. His study revealed that, especially for the "hard to employ" population, labor programs are poorly This content downloaded from 130.237.29.138 on Mon, 14 Dec 2015 06:46:11 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

点击进入文档下载页（PDF格式）

已到末页，全文结束

点击下载（PDF格式）

浏览记录